
Repressive Laws Are Increasingly Being Used to Silence Activists Across Asia
Four years ago, on the 32nd anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, plain clothes police arrested human rights lawyer and pro-democracy activist Chow Hang-tung outside her office in Hong Kong. Her alleged crime? Publishing two social media posts advertising a public vigil to remember the notorious crackdown in Tiananmen Square. At the time, Chow was the vice-chair of the now defunct Hong Kong Alliance in Support of the Patriotic Democratic Movement of China, the main organizer of annual Tiananmen vigils.
Chow is a target of Hong Kong's draconian National Security Law, which grants authorities in the territory sweeping powers to crush any form of dissent. Today, Tiananmen vigils in Hong Kong are no more, and Chow remains locked up at the Tai Lam Women's Correctional Center, fighting baseless charges of subversion and sedition.
Sadly, such repression is not unique to Hong Kong. Across Asia, authoritarian and democratic governments alike are passing and weaponizing new laws – in clear violation of international law and standards – to pursue and jail whoever speaks up for human rights. Today, on Nelson Mandela International Day, we call for the release of Chow Hang-tang, who is part of CIVICUS' Stand As My Witness campaign, as well as other human rights defenders unjustly locked up in Asia around the world.
Beijing pushed the repressive National Security Law in 2020 in response to mass pro-democracy protests a year earlier. Since then, the National Security Law, and further legislation passed in 2024, has been used to target hundreds of activists, journalists, protesters and critics.
The CIVICUS Monitor, which tracks civic space conditions across the world, now rates Hong Kong's civic space as 'closed,' the worst possible ranking. Hundreds remain behind bars as police systematically use the new laws to arrest and prosecute people on trumped-up charges. Often, the process itself becomes the punishment as activists spend years in detention before they are even tried.
These laws have created a chilling effect, forcing independent news outlets and civil society groups to shut down. In April this year, Hong Kong's oldest and largest pro-democracy political party moved to disband as Beijing's sweeping crackdown has left opposition groups without room to operate. Meanwhile, Hong Kong authorities are trying to take their repression international, by offering bounties for activists-in-exile charged under the National Security Law and by arresting the father of a prominent U.S.-based activist, Anna Kwok.
Such repression should be viewed with disdain, but rather than being an outlier, Hong Kong's National Security Laws have become something of a model for other Asian governments looking to stifle dissent.
Look no further than Beijing's rival, India, often called the world's largest democracy, where Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government resorts to similar laws to consolidate power and silence his critics. Dozens of activists have been jailed under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), a draconian anti-terror law. Under the UAPA's provisions, activists remain in pre-trial detention for long periods and are denied bail, including human rights defender Khurram Parvez, who was arrested in November 2021. His trial has yet to start, four years on.
In neighboring Pakistan, the government also weaponizes anti-terror legislation against activists like Mahrang Baloch, who languishes in prison on terror charges for speaking out against ongoing violations of ethnic minority rights by the Pakistan security forces in Balochistan.
In Thailand, more than 270 individuals have been arrested or prosecuted under lese-majeste or royal defamation laws since early 2020, many of whom have received long consecutive sentences from the courts. Human rights lawyer Arnon Nampa, for instance, received multiple convictions and 26 years in jail for calling for democratic reforms and reforms of the Thai monarchy.
Meanwhile, Cambodia's Han Manet regime has used 'incitement' laws as their weapon of choice to silence activists, journalists, and members of the opposition.
With legal repression spreading across Asia, the international community must do more to push back and stand with these brave activists. Foreign governments must not only speak out when activists are convicted, but step in much earlier when these human rights defenders are arrested. Diplomats should visit wrongly arrested activists in detention, monitor their trials, and engage with their families. Foreign governments must also use international platforms like the United Nations Human Rights Council and bilateral meetings to highlight their cases and call for their release.
Activists-in-exile also need support and assistance, especially when they face transnational repression. The recent G-7 Leaders' Statement on Transnational Repression was a good start, but strong rhetoric must now turn into serious action. Failure to undertake such actions will see a further regression of democracy and repression of civic freedoms in Asia and elsewhere.
However, foreign governments won't apply pressure unless we, as people and activists around the world, push them to take action. Wherever we are, we must use our voices to speak up for human rights defenders behind bars, including through campaigns like Stand As My Witness, which has helped contribute to the release of over 30 human rights defenders since its inception five years ago.
After all, jailed human rights defenders aren't giving up on themselves or their causes. This year, on the fifth anniversary of her arrest, Chow Hang-tung went on a hunger strike behind bars to commemorate the Tiananmen Square massacre and to reaffirm her commitment to the struggle despite her imprisonment. It's time for all of us to stand in solidarity with her and other jailed human rights defenders in Asia and across the world.
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The Diplomat
6 days ago
- The Diplomat
Repressive Laws Are Increasingly Being Used to Silence Activists Across Asia
From Hong Kong to India, governments are passing and weaponizing new laws to pursue and jail whoever speaks up for human rights. Four years ago, on the 32nd anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, plain clothes police arrested human rights lawyer and pro-democracy activist Chow Hang-tung outside her office in Hong Kong. Her alleged crime? Publishing two social media posts advertising a public vigil to remember the notorious crackdown in Tiananmen Square. At the time, Chow was the vice-chair of the now defunct Hong Kong Alliance in Support of the Patriotic Democratic Movement of China, the main organizer of annual Tiananmen vigils. Chow is a target of Hong Kong's draconian National Security Law, which grants authorities in the territory sweeping powers to crush any form of dissent. Today, Tiananmen vigils in Hong Kong are no more, and Chow remains locked up at the Tai Lam Women's Correctional Center, fighting baseless charges of subversion and sedition. Sadly, such repression is not unique to Hong Kong. Across Asia, authoritarian and democratic governments alike are passing and weaponizing new laws – in clear violation of international law and standards – to pursue and jail whoever speaks up for human rights. Today, on Nelson Mandela International Day, we call for the release of Chow Hang-tang, who is part of CIVICUS' Stand As My Witness campaign, as well as other human rights defenders unjustly locked up in Asia around the world. Beijing pushed the repressive National Security Law in 2020 in response to mass pro-democracy protests a year earlier. Since then, the National Security Law, and further legislation passed in 2024, has been used to target hundreds of activists, journalists, protesters and critics. The CIVICUS Monitor, which tracks civic space conditions across the world, now rates Hong Kong's civic space as 'closed,' the worst possible ranking. Hundreds remain behind bars as police systematically use the new laws to arrest and prosecute people on trumped-up charges. Often, the process itself becomes the punishment as activists spend years in detention before they are even tried. These laws have created a chilling effect, forcing independent news outlets and civil society groups to shut down. In April this year, Hong Kong's oldest and largest pro-democracy political party moved to disband as Beijing's sweeping crackdown has left opposition groups without room to operate. Meanwhile, Hong Kong authorities are trying to take their repression international, by offering bounties for activists-in-exile charged under the National Security Law and by arresting the father of a prominent U.S.-based activist, Anna Kwok. Such repression should be viewed with disdain, but rather than being an outlier, Hong Kong's National Security Laws have become something of a model for other Asian governments looking to stifle dissent. Look no further than Beijing's rival, India, often called the world's largest democracy, where Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government resorts to similar laws to consolidate power and silence his critics. Dozens of activists have been jailed under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), a draconian anti-terror law. Under the UAPA's provisions, activists remain in pre-trial detention for long periods and are denied bail, including human rights defender Khurram Parvez, who was arrested in November 2021. His trial has yet to start, four years on. In neighboring Pakistan, the government also weaponizes anti-terror legislation against activists like Mahrang Baloch, who languishes in prison on terror charges for speaking out against ongoing violations of ethnic minority rights by the Pakistan security forces in Balochistan. In Thailand, more than 270 individuals have been arrested or prosecuted under lese-majeste or royal defamation laws since early 2020, many of whom have received long consecutive sentences from the courts. Human rights lawyer Arnon Nampa, for instance, received multiple convictions and 26 years in jail for calling for democratic reforms and reforms of the Thai monarchy. Meanwhile, Cambodia's Han Manet regime has used 'incitement' laws as their weapon of choice to silence activists, journalists, and members of the opposition. With legal repression spreading across Asia, the international community must do more to push back and stand with these brave activists. Foreign governments must not only speak out when activists are convicted, but step in much earlier when these human rights defenders are arrested. Diplomats should visit wrongly arrested activists in detention, monitor their trials, and engage with their families. Foreign governments must also use international platforms like the United Nations Human Rights Council and bilateral meetings to highlight their cases and call for their release. Activists-in-exile also need support and assistance, especially when they face transnational repression. The recent G-7 Leaders' Statement on Transnational Repression was a good start, but strong rhetoric must now turn into serious action. Failure to undertake such actions will see a further regression of democracy and repression of civic freedoms in Asia and elsewhere. However, foreign governments won't apply pressure unless we, as people and activists around the world, push them to take action. Wherever we are, we must use our voices to speak up for human rights defenders behind bars, including through campaigns like Stand As My Witness, which has helped contribute to the release of over 30 human rights defenders since its inception five years ago. After all, jailed human rights defenders aren't giving up on themselves or their causes. This year, on the fifth anniversary of her arrest, Chow Hang-tung went on a hunger strike behind bars to commemorate the Tiananmen Square massacre and to reaffirm her commitment to the struggle despite her imprisonment. It's time for all of us to stand in solidarity with her and other jailed human rights defenders in Asia and across the world.


The Diplomat
02-07-2025
- The Diplomat
End of the Line: Hong Kong's Last Opposition Voice Falls Silent
As Hong Kong's last lawful pro-democracy group, the folding of the League of Social Democrats has brought an era of public dissent to a close. Hong Kong's League of Social Democrats (LSD) party announced its decision to disband on June 29, citing 'immense political pressure' from Beijing. There was no public protest, no police intervention, no courtroom drama. But the implications are serious and far-reaching. In the span of five years, the city's opposition has been steadily and deliberately dismantled. Laws have been rewritten, activists jailed, accounts frozen, and spaces for dissent shut down. As Hong Kong's last lawful pro-democracy group, the LSD was known for its protests, defense of civil liberties, and push for social equity. Its departure has brought an era of public dissent to a close. Established in 2006, the League of Social Democrats became one of the rare political groups in Hong Kong to openly challenge both the Hong Kong government and Beijing's growing presence in the city's affairs. While other groups adopted more moderate strategies, the LSD remained openly confrontational. This stance often drew political and legal consequences. Its founder Leung Kwok-hung, commonly known as Long Hair, is currently serving time under the National Security Law. Jimmy Sham, another central figure, was detained in 2021 for allegedly plotting to subvert state power. He was released in April 2025 after nearly four years in custody, although proceedings against the wider group are still underway. With repeated warnings to disband from Beijing, more members were barred from running for office or pressured to flee. Even with its ranks shrinking, the LSD maintained a visible presence. It continued to participate in protests, spoke out on political arrests, and worked to preserve space for public expression as the authorities cracked down on dissent. Since the enactment of the National Security Law in June 2020, authorities have arrested more than 330 individuals and convicted more than 160 under its provisions. The most high-profile case involved the arrest of 47 pro-democracy figures who participated in unofficial primary elections in 2020. Authorities described their effort to coordinate electoral strategy as a national security threat. Many of those arrested were elected district councilors. Several individuals have been held in custody for extended periods without trial, while others were convicted in 2024 and sentenced to prison terms ranging from three to ten years. The crackdown has extended beyond political parties. In August 2020, media tycoon Jimmy Lai was arrested at his home, and his newspaper, Apple Daily, was raided by over 200 police officers. Within a year, Apple Daily shut down, its journalists faced prosecution, and its assets were frozen by authorities. Stand News, another prominent outlet, shut down in December 2021 after a police raid led to multiple arrests. The Civic Party, alongside the LSD, was one of Hong Kong's largest traditional opposition parties. It disbanded in 2023 after facing mounting political pressure and disqualification of its members from elections. By late 2024, not a single active pro-democracy organization remained, except the LSD. Hong Kong's legislature no longer includes political opposition. Electoral reforms imposed by Beijing in 2021 introduced a vetting mechanism that ensures only 'patriots' can run for office. The number of directly elected seats was reduced to 20 out of 90, with all candidates screened by a pro-Beijing committee, leaving no space for dissent. In 2022, John Lee, a former security chief who led the crackdown on the 2019 pro-democracy protests, became Hong Kong's chief executive. He was chosen in an uncontested vote by a 1,461-member committee made up largely of Beijing loyalists, highlighting the city's new political order. Judicial independence has also narrowed in scope. Judges appointed by the chief executive preside over national security cases. Proceedings are often closed to the public, and bail is rarely granted. According to government figures, over 90 percent of defendants charged under the National Security Law have been denied bail, a sharp reversal of long-standing legal norms in the city. The institutional redesign also extends into education and the civil service. From 2021, civil servants must take loyalty oaths affirming their allegiance to the government and the Basic Law. Teachers have been dismissed for holding critical views or for allegedly failing to promote 'correct' national values. A new curriculum promotes patriotism in schools, while universities have purged books by pro-democracy scholars. Memorials commemorating the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown have been dismantled, and public commemorations are now banned. The international response has been measured. Governments including the United States and the United Kingdom have issued sanctions targeting specific officials and voiced concern over the erosion of civil liberties. However, these actions have had a limited impact on policy outcomes. The Chinese central government has framed developments in Hong Kong as matters of domestic governance, placing them largely beyond the reach of external influence. As a result, the 'One Country, Two Systems' model appears to have undergone a significant transformation in both tone and substance. Many former activists now contribute from abroad or engage in more discreet forms of civic involvement within the city. Public protests have faded, replaced by private acts of remembrance and reflection. Political dialogue continues through informal gatherings, digital spaces, and creative expression. The 2019 mass protests are no longer publicly acknowledged, and commemorating them carries legal risk. In its final statement, the LSD called on Hong Kong residents to uphold their values 'in their own ways.' That message reflects a shift in political expression, less visible but still present. While traditional activism has faded, core democratic ideals endure in private and informal spaces. The LSD's closure marks more than the end of one group; it signals a broader transformation of civic life. Open debate may have receded, but the memory of those ideals remains, carried forward by those committed to remembering.

Japan Times
01-07-2025
- Japan Times
Hong Kong rights record under fire as it marks China handover anniversary
Hong Kong leader John Lee insisted the city has become safer and more competitive as he commemorated the 28th anniversary of its return to Chinese rule Tuesday, while critics said repression has eroded the hub's international reputation. The former British colony was handed over to China in 1997 under a "One Country, Two Systems" governance model, which guaranteed key freedoms and a high degree of autonomy not enjoyed on the mainland. In previous years, the July 1 anniversary drew demonstrations and marches from Victoria Park. But authorities have cracked down on dissent after huge and sometimes violent democracy protests in 2019. Lee said "high-level security to safeguard high-quality development" was a top priority for his administration, noting the need to integrate into China's economic blueprint. "We have endeavored to trawl for talent," he said, adding that the arrival of over 210,000 workers has boosted the city's competitiveness. This week also marks the fifth anniversary of Beijing's imposition of a sweeping national security law, under which 76 people have been convicted so far. Lee's government enacted a separate security law of its own in 2024 saying it was needed to restore order. "We have rebuilt a safe Hong Kong," Lee said. However, the European Union said on Monday "the repressive use of the National Security Law has undermined confidence in the rule of law and Hong Kong's international reputation." "The European Union regrets that additional national security legislation ... introduced new offenses, increased penalties and further empowered security authorities," it said in a statement. The League of Social Democrats, one of Hong Kong's last remaining opposition parties, disbanded on Sunday citing "immense political pressure" and concern for the safety of its members. It was the second pro-democracy party to announce plans to wind down this year, after the Democratic Party did so in February. Outgoing U.S. consul general Gregory May also criticized the Hong Kong government last week for using the security law to target overseas activists. On Tuesday, Chinese foreign ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning accused "certain Western politicians and anti-China organizations" of "slandering Hong Kong's rule of law". "Their actions clearly expose their malicious intent to sow chaos in Hong Kong," said Mao, adding that rights and freedoms legally enjoyed by Hong Kong people have been "fully protected". Hong Kong leader Lee also trumpeted a plan to urbanize land near the border with China, a development known as the Northern Metropolis that will take up a third of the city's total area. Activists and locals have raised concerns over its potential environmental impact as well as the strain it will put on Hong Kong's public finances.