National Archives to host exhibition on 'Development of Education in North Eastern India'
The exhibition on 'Development of Education in North Eastern India' will be hosted by the National Archives of India in collaboration with Higher Education Department, Nagaland, the ministry said.
Nagaland Governor La Ganesan has kindly consented to inaugurate the exhibition in the presence of Nagaland Minister of Higher Education and Tourism Temjen Imna Along at Capital Convention Centre in Kohima, it said in a statement.
The exhibition highlights key milestones in the region's academic landscape, including the establishment of premier institutions and significant policy initiatives that have fostered inclusivity and regional growth, the ministry said.
To deepen public understanding, the exhibition categorises this heritage through thematic clusters, drawing on original archival documents. These include government files, private papers of notable personalities, photographs, rare manuscripts and official records preserved within the National Archives and Nagaland State Archives.
"This exhibition offers a comprehensive exploration of the region's unique journey, shaped by its tribal traditions, linguistic diversity, missionary influences, colonial legacies, and post-independence development," it said.
Northeast India's educational evolution reflects a dynamic blend of indigenous knowledge systems and formal institutions, tracing roots from oral tribal learning to modern universities.
The National Archives of India is an attached office under the Ministry of Culture. It was established in 1891 as the Imperial Record Department in Calcutta .
Following the transfer of the capital from Calcutta to Delhi in 1911, the present building of the National Archives of India was constructed in 1926 which was designed by Sir Edwin Lutyens.
The transfer of all records from Calcutta to New Delhi was completed in 1937.
The National Archives of India has at present in its repositories a collection of over 34 crore pages of public records, which include files, volumes, maps, bills assented to by the President of India, treaties, rare manuscripts, oriental records, private papers, cartographic records, important collection of gazettes and gazetteers, census records, assembly and parliament debates, proscribed literature, travel accounts, etc., it said.
A major chunk of oriental records are in Sanskrit, Persian, Odia and other languages.
This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.
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Hindustan Times
7 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Delhi govt won't humour gallows claim, Oppn refuses to yield
In a high-voltage session of the Delhi Legislative Assembly on Wednesday, chief minister Rekha Gupta launched a stinging attack on the previous Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government over what she alleged was a 'fabricated and disgraceful' attempt to distort history by allegedly falsely labelling a part of the Assembly complex as a 'Phansi Ghar' (execution chamber). Delhi Legislative assembly speaker Vijender Gupta led a guided media tour of the space on Wednesday, showing old blueprints from the National Archives that mark the room as a lift shaft. (Arvind Yadav/HT Photo) Gupta ordered an inquiry and a first information report to look into the matter and said that ₹1.04 crore of public funds were allegedly spent on constructing and promoting the site, and the money must be recovered. She demanded that the structure at the centre of the debate be removed before the All India Speakers' Conference, which is set to take place at the Assembly complex on August 24–25. Addressing the House, she accused former CM Arvind Kejriwal of orchestrating an elaborate political spectacle to gain public sympathy. 'There is no history, no document, no evidence that proves any part of this building ever served as a gallows. Kejriwal wore the mask of patriotism and sacrifice while misleading people with a staged drama,' Gupta said. The alleged 'Fansi Ghar' was unveiled by the AAP government in 2022. But Gupta cited historical records that show the Assembly building, constructed in 1912, served as the venue for the Imperial Legislative Council from 1913 to 1926. She said the area in question was merely a service shaft used to deliver tiffins of food to British officers and never intended or used for executions. She said the real site of Delhi Jail, where executions did take place during the British Raj, was located at the present-day Maulana Azad Medical College. 'To falsely inscribe such a claim within a constitutional institution is not just misleading, it is an insult to martyrs who actually gave their lives for the country,' she added. Gupta insisted that the structure and the signage be removed before hosting national dignitaries at the upcoming conference. 'We cannot afford to present a falsified history to the nation's lawmakers,' she said. Assembly Speaker Vijender Gupta also denounced the installation, and said, 'There was never any 'Fansi Ghar' here. What we see is a colonial-era lift shaft used to deliver food. That's all.' He led a guided media tour of the space, showing old blueprints from the National Archives that mark the room as a lift shaft. He said the Assembly building, designed by British architect E Montague Thomas and built under contractor Faqir Chand, was completed in just eight months in 1912. 'The Assembly has a rich history, even Mahatma Gandhi attended three sessions here. Crores were spent promoting a false narrative that undermines this institution's legacy,' he said, holding up a April 7, 1931 edition of Hindustan Times that reported on Gandhi's visit. 'Crores of rupees were spent on this false narrative. This is not just a waste of public money. It undermines the sanctity of this institution,' he said. Meanwhile, the AAP hit back, accusing the BJP government of using the Assembly as a platform for theatrics while neglecting urgent public issues. Leader of Opposition Atishi said, 'For three days, the BJP has hijacked Assembly proceedings to obsess over a staircase. Meanwhile, rising crime, illegal demolitions, inflated school fees, and vehicle deregistration are all being ignored.' She said the BJP government was deliberately avoiding accountability and turning the Assembly into a stage for political theatre. 'If the BJP is serious about history, they should form a committee of historians and archaeologists. 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The origins of the 'Fansi Ghar' claim go back to 2021 when then Speaker Ram Niwas Goel announced the discovery of an underground tunnel connecting the Assembly with the Red Fort. In 2022, the AAP government inaugurated the alleged execution chamber, claiming it was used during British rule. Professional historians who attended Wednesday's session from the visitors' gallery also rejected the claim. Professor in the department of history with the Delhi UniversityManisha Chaudhary, said, 'The layout map from the National Archives demarcates this area as a lift. Also, structurally, for hanging a person, you have to take them to the top and make them stand on a platform before that does not seem to be there. Also, it is very unlikely that executions would be allowed in full view at a public space where elected representatives are holding discussions,' said Chaudhary. She explained that typically a 'Fansi Ghar' or execution space is located close to a jail so that the prisoners do not need to be taken far, considering the safety. 'All such places also maintain elaborate manuals and records of the hanging, details of the prisoner and the executioner, hanging orders, a doctor who confirms death and details of the officers present,' Chaudhary said.
Hindustan Times
10 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Taste of Life: Issues of Marathi and Marathisation ‘alive in letter and spirit'
Language serves as a crucial link to one's past, culture, and identity. It becomes a symbol of identity when different ethnic groups compete for power and resources. For Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, the assimilation of English, Persian, and Urdu words into Marathi was a symbol of the domination of foreign powers and the defeat of Indians. (Hindustan Times Archives) Language domination is a 'symbolic domination' that enables certain social and ethnic groups to maintain control over others by establishing their cultural practices and views as the norm. It creates a hierarchy where dominant languages and forms of communication are valued more highly than others, leading to unequal access to resources and opportunities. Policies that promote a single universal language serve to protect power structures. The imposition of a single language can be identified as a form of internal colonialism that serves to support the state's ideology of a homogeneous culture. On July 18, 1937, a unique ceremony was organised at the Gokhale Smarak Mandir in Pune under the chairmanship of professor Wamanrao Kale. An educational institution cum publishing house named 'Maratha Centre' had been established in Pune in the late 1920s. It offered courses on subjects such as shorthand, typewriting, bookkeeping, and accountancy. It had also published some books on the same. A sizeable crowd had assembled that day to witness the changing of the English name of this organisation to 'Marathi Kendra' in Marathi. This was one of the first attempts to 'purify' Marathi in Maharashtra. Espousing the 'purification' of Marathi was the 'Marathikaran Mandal' that was founded barely a week ago by Prahlad Keshav Atre, the celebrated writer, educationist, and editor; and Kakasaheb Limaye, the editor of Marathi newspaper 'Dnyanaprakash'. Lakshmanrao Bhopatkar was the president of the Mandal while its members comprised dignitaries like professor SM Mate, and professor SK Kanetkar, popularly known as Poet Girish. The objective of the Mandal was to replace Urdu, Persian, and English words that had been assimilated into Marathi. Atre and Limaye, both once critics of the 'purification' of the Marathi movement, had changed their stance after spending a few days with Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. 'Bhasha Shuddhi' (purification of language) was the most vociferous and effective movement set in motion by Savarkar. He used Marathi to further the cause of nationalism and ethnic and racial identity. On June 26, 1937, Savarkar addressed a large crowd at the Minerva Theatre in Pune, where he laid down his agenda for the 'purification' of Marathi. 'We are not against including words from other languages in Marathi, but we want to get rid of the words in foreign languages that have been imposed upon us, and replace them with words from our language or Sanskrit'. Around the same time, he endorsed Sanskritised Hindi as India's lingua franca. The movement for 'language purification' had gained momentum in Ireland and Turkey at that time and was used to endorse the same in Maharashtra. For Savarkar, the assimilation of English, Persian, and Urdu words into Marathi was a symbol of the domination of foreign powers and the defeat of Indians. If the country wanted to regain its past pride and glory, its languages had to be 'purified', he believed. He was present when Atre and others established the 'Marathikaran Mandal' in Pune. Allowing foreign words into Marathi was a mark of servitude, according to Atre. The task of weeding out those from Marathi could be done from the confines of one's home, and was essential in awakening the pride of our homeland and our language, he said while addressing the inaugural meeting of the Mandal. He also invoked Shridhar Venkatesh Ketkar, who, in 1924, had famously said, 'Marathi language is dead, its corpse lies before us'. The first mission of 'Marathikaran Mandal' was to change the names of shops and establishments in Pune to Marathi. Most of them were in English, even though many of the owners could not speak or understand the language and words like 'Saloon', 'Tailors', 'Hotel', and 'Restaurant' were used out of false pride, Atre said. Language defines the socio-economic class divide. The rapidly growing educated class in Maharashtra had normalised the use of English in personal communication and public exchanges, and discourses since the late nineteenth century. English was associated with the upper and upper-middle classes. It was seen as the carrier of western, liberal values and a symbol of sophistication. The promotion of the language of the ruling class can mask underlying racist ideologies. The dominance of English perpetuated social, political, and economic inequalities. But many, like Savarkar, opposed Persian and Urdu more than English. The 'Marathikaran Mandal' did not object to the use of certain words like college, doctor, advocate, professor, and of course, barrister, as Savarkar himself used it till his very end, but wanted the words guest house, boarding house, restaurant, hotel, and teahouse changed. Atre suggested using 'Poona Atithighar' instead of 'Poona Guest House' and 'Gundi Chahaghar' instead of 'Gundi Tea House'. He was referring to the teahouse owned by Subarao Devrao Gundi that was near the Jogeshwari Temple. He also wanted 'Maharashtra Hotel' changed to 'Maharashtra Faralghar'. Much before the 'Marathikaran Mandal', Narhar Ramchandra Parasnis had started the Marathisation campaign in Pune in 1931. He wrote a couple of articles in 'Dnyanprakash' and advocated Marathi equivalents for many English words that were in daily use. He proposed 'chaha bhavan' for a teahouse. According to him, Barve Brothers' Tea House was to be renamed as 'Barve Bandhu Chaha Bhavan'. The list contained 'bhojanalaya' or 'bhojangriha' for a boarding house; 'kshudhashantigriha', 'vishrantigriha', 'upahargriha' for refreshment houses and restaurants, and 'sheetapeyagriha' for a cold-drink house. Narayanrao Gundi's 'Rajbhuvan Tea House' and Giriappa Mijar's 'Santosh Bhuvan' were famous eateries in Pune at the time. Parasnis recommended using Rajbhuvan, Santoshbhuvan or Anandvilas as common nouns for all eateries. Atre thought that owners used English names and nouns to display grandeur. He lamented that most eateries in Pune were housed in tiny enclosures and were quite shabby, but still included 'hotel' in their names that misled customers. Shankarrao Navare, one of the members of the Mandal, knew someone who owned a 'khanaval'. The business of running a 'khanaval' was considered lowly, and hence, he was not able to get married. He then started calling himself a manager of a boarding house and was married within months. The representatives of the Mandal met the owners of several eateries and requested them to change their names. 'Dnyanaprakash' reported on October 3, 1937, that many owners conveyed the inability to do so since, according to them, English names were used because all the registration transactions by and with the local and Provincial governments were in English. Savarkar suggested that they could retain their original names, but add another board in Devnagari displaying the Marathi name. I do not know how many owners agreed to this. Using 'Saloon' or 'Tailors' was a way to bypass the notions of caste-based occupations and indicate that the proprietor did not belong to the caste with which the occupation was associated. Initiatives of 'Marathikaran Mandal' were mocked often. Atre and others issued clarifications time and again and asserted that they did not favour Sanskritised Marathi that was alien to many. 'We are not asking you to replace the work 'jilabi' with another Sanskrit or Marathi word', he said in one of his speeches. The issues of Marathi and Marathisation have stayed at the centre of Maharashtrian politics long after the demise of the 'Marathikaran Mandal'. Chinmay Damle is a research scientist and food enthusiast. He writes here on Pune's food culture. He can be contacted at
Time of India
11 hours ago
- Time of India
Min mandates use of Made in India goods in 3 depts
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