" Sabke Boss Unable To Accept India's Growth": Rajnath Singh's Dig At Trump
"Some people are not unable to accept India's progress. They are not taking it well. 'Sabke boss toh hum hain (I am everyone's boss), how is India progressing so fast?' Efforts are now on to make Made-in-India products more expensive when they are exported to other countries," he said at an event in Madhya Pradesh.
The minister called this an attempt to make other countries shun India-made products. "But the pace at which India is progressing, I can assure you, no global power can stop us from becoming a superpower," he asserted.
Mr Singh this morning laid the foundation stone of the 'Bramha' BEML Rail Hub for Manufacturing in Umaria village of Raisen district.
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The Hindu
44 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Trump's Tariff Threat Tests India-US Relations
Published : Aug 16, 2025 19:25 IST - 6 MINS READ There is a distinct souring of sentiment in the narrative across India's 24-hour news channels. A news anchor opens her piece with a sarcastic diatribe on how, if only Trump were president of the USA in the past, so much could have been avoided through history; the First World War, the Second World War, all of it. The screen behind her displays an image of the US president with the text 'Earth is spinning better, thank Trump!'. The title of this video op-ed piece is 'Why Trump Should Never Win the Nobel Peace Prize'. It is a marked departure from the rapturous reception a second Trump term got only nine months back. A statement released then by India's External Affairs Ministry described how the two leaders had reaffirmed their commitment to a mutually beneficial and trusted partnership and agreed to remain in touch and meet soon. Social media and news coverage were awash with praise both for this sweeping victory and the warm and cordial relations between Mr Trump and Mr Modi. President Trump's decision and threat to now impose a 50 per cent tariff by the end of August because of India's purchase of Russian oil has escalated a stand-off over trade and led to a spiral of news flow; the US will regret treating India this way, warns one piece; US-India relations are at their worst, bemoans another. The social media clarion has sounded—it is time to ditch American products and companies like McDonald's, Coca-Cola, Amazon; although how exactly that will be done remains unclear. All this unfolding while a fresh deadline to this hefty tariff clocks down. So much has changed in nine months. India has for now been steely in its response; but both choices present hard outcomes. Global commodity data shows India imported about 1.8 million barrels per day of Russian crude in the first half of the year, which is about 37 per cent of its total imports. Since 2023, India has been the biggest market for Russian crude, and between the two largest buyers of Russian crude, India and China, it is India that is clearly more dependent. According to data and analytics company Kpler, India imported 89 million tonnes (seaborne crude) last year, which was more than China's import. Switching crude oil varieties and buyers is neither going to be easy nor practical for India's refineries, aside from the fact that it also threatens to ratchet up prices. Also Read | America's melting ice cube and other tariff fairy tales On the flip side, the collateral damage of a 50 per cent tariff slap will be large. There are a number of export-oriented industries that are already feeling jittery; textiles, for one, the gems and jewellery sector, another, where the US makes up 30 per cent of its exports. Many export-oriented industries are in fact also labour-intensive industries, and a hit to their fortunes will have a massive knock-on effect on jobs. The list of vulnerable companies includes the big gun, Reliance Industries, which signed a 10-year contract to buy nearly 5,00,000 barrels a day of crude from Russia's state-owned Rosneft, making it the biggest-ever energy agreement between the two nations. Reliance has been exporting its refined products to both Europe and North America. A breakdown in ties with Western countries will mean significant changes in its business and perhaps its profitability in the months to come. India's domestic advantage with a large consumer market has been pointed to, but whichever way you cut it, a tariff hike of this quantum will see economic damage and dented investor sentiment for the country. There are counter-arguments to the possibility of a grim reset in Indo-US ties. One, that this will be yet another flip-flop by the US President, where a resolution of some sort will be cobbled together before the end of August, which is the deadline set by him. Two, that the two countries are now intertwined across too human and financial capital strands; Indian tech firms have long been present in America's industry through its services and its engineers. Money now flows both ways through venture capital and significant equity market exposure. Ripping all that apart will take more than tariff sabre-rattling. All or some of this may prove to be true. But there are also two clear questions here that need to be reckoned with. India was used to being the 'pick me' candidate when it came to China, where there was tactical and strategic advantage in building strong relations with India to offset China's growing strength in the region. Many nations, the US included, are having a rethink about that approach. China is no longer taboo, and India is no longer the counterfoil to China's regional dominance. Worse yet is the distinct turn in relations between the US and India's other neighbour, Pakistan. What started with a rather embarrassing display of cornering credit, President Trump claimed he was the one to put a stop to an imminent war between India and Pakistan—a claim that has been consistently repeated while speaking on the subject. While Indian diplomatic channels frantically tried to belie that take, Pakistan not only concurred with the US President's statement, it went on to nominate Donald Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize. Relations between the US and Pakistan have been on the upswing since then, ranging from private lunches with Pakistan's top military brass and talks about potentially boosting trade and commercial ties. It has left the Indian government with egg on its face and a disgruntled domestic mood. India and Pakistan, to America's mind are now firmly re-hyphenated. Also Read | Modi's foreign policy in shreds as non-alignment becomes multi-alignment How did it all turn sour so quickly when the singular narrative so far has been Prime Minister Modi's outstanding personal equation with Trump—from walking out hand in hand to address a rally in Houston, Texas a few years ago, to what is now being termed the lowest point in Indo-US ties in many decades; the 'great friendship' has not yielded any joy on economic ties. Perhaps the first lesson then is when policies—foreign, national, or economic—are built around personalities rather than nations, egos tend to get in the way. Especially when there is a domestic fan base that has been cheering the 'strongman' approach to cater to. There is also a view that this could be the moment India dives into structural reforms. In other words, this will be the catalyst for the great reset. As we wait on that outcome to emerge, it gives rise to the second question: Was that not the plan with the 'Make in India' campaign launched a decade ago? What has gone so sorely wrong ten years into its launch, where is the performance audit on the promised nation-building initiatives, the manufacturing thrust, more jobs for more people? This present round of tariff threats and ultimatums could go in any direction. Frankly, it does not even matter. The economic ground is shifting beneath the feet of both leaders. Time to see who has feet of clay. Mitali Mukherjee is the Director of the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, University of Oxford. She is a political economy journalist with more than two decades of experience in TV, print and digital journalism. Mitali has co-founded two start-ups that focussed on civil society and financial literacy and her key areas of interest are gender and climate change.
Hindustan Times
an hour ago
- Hindustan Times
No fresh hike in tariff over oil, Donald Trump hints
US President Donald Trump appeared to rule out increased tariffs on China for purchasing Russian oil following his summit with Vladimir Putin in Alaska, while also suggesting existing penalties on India may not escalate further, providing relief for countries caught in Washington's pressure campaign against Moscow. US President Donald Trump shakes hand with Russian President Vladimir Putin during their meet at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson in Anchorage, Alaska. (REUTERS) Trump indicated that secondary sanctions on major oil buyers were no longer under immediate consideration after his three-hour meeting with the Russian president on Friday. 'Well, because of what happened today, I think I don't have to think about that,' Trump said of tariffs on China and more severe economic punishment for Russia for continuing the war in Ukraine. 'Now, I may have to think about it in two weeks or three weeks or something, but we don't have to think about that right now. I think, you know, the meeting went very well,' Trump added. The comments came despite the summit failing to produce a deal to end the Ukraine war, which has raged since Russia's invasion in February 2022. Prior to the meeting, Trump said 'he (Putin) lost an oil client, so to speak, which is India, which was doing about 40 per cent of the if I did what's called a secondary sanction, or a secondary tariff, it would be very devastating from their standpoint. If I have to do it, I'll do it. Maybe I won't have to do it,' offering hints that could be construed positively in New Delhi. Trump's statement came amid talk that had the Alaska Summit not gone well, India could be hit with a harsher levy. 'We've put secondary tariffs on Indians for buying Russian oil. And I could see, if things don't go well, then sanctions or secondary tariffs could go up,' US treasury secretary Scott Bessent said in a television interview on Wednesday. The US has already imposed tariffs totalling 50% on India, including a 25% penalty for Russian oil purchases that will take effect on August 27, making India one of the most heavily penalised US trading partners. Trump's more conciliatory tone followed his earlier revelation that the India tariffs were designed to pressure Russia by cutting off oil revenue, with the president claiming Moscow 'called and wanted to meet' after losing its second-largest energy customer. India welcomed the Alaska summit between the Russian and American leaders, expressing support for dialogue-based solutions to the Ukraine conflict. 'India welcomes the summit meeting in Alaska between US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin. Their leadership in the pursuit of peace is highly commendable,' the Ministry of External Affairs said in a statement released after the summit. 'India appreciates the progress made at the summit. The way forward can only be through dialogue and diplomacy. The world wants to see an early end to the conflict in Ukraine,' it added. Russia currently accounts for more than a third of India's energy purchases, up from less than 1% in 2022 following Western sanctions over the Ukraine invasion. China remains Russia's largest oil customer. India has defended its energy purchases as necessary for economic security, calling US targeting 'unjustified and unreasonable' whilst arguing that Western countries maintain their own trade relationships with Russia. Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke with both Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and Russian President Vladimir Putin this month, offering Indian diplomatic support to aid the peace process in his call with the former. Modi has consistently called for dialogue and diplomacy since the invasion began, making separate visits to Russia and Ukraine last year whilst urging both leaders to return to negotiations. Trump announced following the summit that he would meet Zelensky in Washington on Monday, potentially followed by a trilateral meeting with Putin, as diplomatic efforts to end the conflict continue.
The Hindu
2 hours ago
- The Hindu
Chilling past, warm present
On August 15, U.S President Donald Trump and Russian leader Vladimir Putin concluded a historic summit in Alaska. After friendly greetings and two-and-a-half-hour-long talks at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson in Anchorage, they left without announcing any deal, but claimed to have made progress on many issues. The selection of Alaska as the backdrop for this summit, the first since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, was significant in more than one manner. Alaska was under Russian control for 125 years before being sold to the U.S. in 1867. Alaska is separated from Russia by a distance of 88 km, while the Russian Island of Big Diomede is located just 4 km from the U.S. Little Diomede Island, with the Bering strait separating the two. Also read: Trump-Putin Alaska Summit Highlights Alaska has been populated by Indigenous peoples, including the Athabaskans, Unangan (Aleuts), Inuit, Yupiit (Yupik), Tlingit, and Haida, for centuries. In the early 18th century, Danish explorer Vitus Bering was pressed into service by Russian Tsar Peter the Great to explore the regions to the east of Russia's border. In 1728, Bering sailed through the strait separating the Russian mainland and North America (the strait is now named after him). During his second voyage in 1741, Bering spotted the peak of Mount St. Elias, part of an Alaskan mountain range, from his ship St. Peter. His 'discovery' of Alaska was confirmed later during the voyage of Englishman Captain James Cook, who mapped the area in 1778. Trading outposts Russian traders — the Promyshlenniki — soon set up outposts in Alaska, interested in seal-hunting and otter fur trade. The first Russian colony was set up in 1784 on Kodiak island at Three Saints Bay. In 1799, Tsar Paul I established the Russian American company, and in 1806, their capital was moved from Kodiak to Sitka. The Russians had to contend with opposition from the Alaskan natives, including an armed battle in Sitka in 1804 between Tlingit and Russian forces. British and later American trade interest in the region was also a challenge to the growth of 'Russian America'. Over decades, overexploitation of seals and sea otters in Alaska meant that their populations shrank, gutting profitability for Russian traders. Further, Russia was defeated by the British in the Crimean war (1853-1856). Viewing Alaska as a hard-to-defend territory which was also becoming economically untenable, Tsar Alexander II decided to give it up. Despite British interest, the U.S. emerged triumphant in its bid for Alaska in 1867. Russia sold the parcel of land, measured 665,000 sq. miles, to the U.S for $7.2 million, in a deal brokered by U.S. Secretary of State William Henry Seward. The deal, dubbed as 'Seward's Folly', was widely criticised, since Alaska was viewed as a barren frozen wasteland. The subsequent discovery of natural gas reserves and rare earth minerals, however, changed the public perception. In 1896, gold was found in Yukon and prospectors arrived to seek their fortunes in the Klondike gold fields. In 1959, Alaska officially became the 49th State of the U.S. Traces of its Russian past persist in Alaska till day. Several Orthodox churches, with characteristic ornate decor and onion-shaped domes, dot the region. The Orthodox diocese in Alaska is reportedly the oldest in North America, and it maintains a seminary on Kodiak island, the site of the first Russian settlement. Local dialects, now fast-vanishing, arose from a melange of Russian and local indigenous language, and persisted in regions surrounding Anchorage. Russian, too, is taught in some areas, such as the Kenai peninsula. Alaska is also a strategically important region. Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, the site of Friday's summit, was a forward front of American defence during the Cold War. Given the region's imperial Russian past, it was hardly a surprise that Anchorage was picked as the venue for the Putin-Trump meet — an American town acceptable for the Russians. When Mr. Putin met Mr. Trump on the tarmac of the joint base, he greeted him, saying, 'Good afternoon, dear neighbour.'
