Contributor: Why California leads the way toward parity for women in elected office
In these tough times, as we grapple with saving America itself, it is important to note progress and victories.
This year, for the first time, women make up a majority in California's state Senate. Across both chambers, 58 women — a record high — are serving. This is just two seats away from gender parity, which would make California the largest global economy — and one of only four U.S. states — to have a legislature that is 50% women. In the Assembly, for the first time, a majority of committees are chaired by women.
For me, it is a great moment. Why? Because it matters who is in the room where decisions are made for our families and our communities. It's not just about numbers: It's about policies. When we sit around the table discussing family issues at home, all voices should be represented in order to fully understand each person's problems and find solutions that will work. That's just common sense.
The year I got to the U.S. Senate — 1992 — was called 'the year of the woman.' I always thought that was a great overstatement because even though we tripled our numbers in the Senate, we only went from two to six! So we were 6% of the Senate, and the media called it a great victory. Don't get me wrong. It was a start, and now 26% of senators are women. But it has been a slow grind to get here — and that's still 24 seats short of reflecting the nation's gender balance. That is why what is happening in California deserves attention.
The Golden State's path to parity has not been serendipity or an inevitable result of California liberalism. A new report from the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University highlights the strategies that have accelerated women's numbers in the Legislature. In 2013, women's representation was tracking to fall to a 20-year low of just 22%. We were moving backward.
One group of activists realized that targeted recruiting of women for specific districts could be a game changer. They started an organization called Close the Gap, and in the decade since, the number of Democratic women elected to the California Legislature has more than doubled, from 23 to 47 seats. California has leapfrogged from 19th to 4th in the nation for women's state legislative representation.
What made this work? The report gives a lot of credit to early, strategic targeting of winnable districts, personalized coaching for prospective candidates and the amazing network of organizations that work to elect more women.
When I first ran for office, there were few resources for women who wanted to run. In fact, I founded the first chapter of the National Women's Political Caucus in Marin County before I ran for county supervisor. When I ran for the U.S. Senate, a new group called EMILY's List helped women candidates access funding like never before. Today, there are multiple groups that provide political training for women and PACs that endorse and fund women candidates. These organizations have compressed the timeline for achieving parity in Sacramento to just over a decade.
When I think about the painfully slow progress toward parity in Congress, I wonder what we can learn from California to close the gender gap nationally.
The Anita Hill hearings in 1991 inspired a generation of women to take political action. The past decade has provided its own powerful moments that have ignited change. From the 'Me Too' movement to the devastating overturning of Roe vs. Wade, women are angry. But anger alone is not enough. Real transformation is built through strategy, organizing and a collective commitment to action.
At the heart of this transformation is the power of representation: When women see other women wielding influence and shaping decisions at the highest levels, something clicks, and they begin to believe that change is not only possible but within their reach.
I know the power of representation firsthand. As I traveled the state as a senator, young girls would run up to me after an event and say: 'You're just like me! Maybe I can be a senator someday.' And I don't think they were just talking about the fact that we were the same height.
Our democracy is a constant work in progress — and we can't afford to take it for granted. We don't have the luxury of complacency; we must keep organizing and innovating because, frankly, the stakes are too high. A favorite union-organizing song of mine goes like this: 'Freedom, freedom is a hard won thing / You've got to work for it, fight for it, day and night for it / And every generation has to do it again.' Past generations have fought for and won big gains; new generations must take up the mantle and push further.
I'm hopeful for a future when every woman, in every community, has the opportunity to shape the decisions that affect her life. The future will be defined by the strong, smart women who step up to run for every kind of political office — and by those who organize over the long term to help them win.
Barbara Boxer represented California in the U.S. Senate from 1993 to 2017. She also served for 10 years in the House of Representatives and as a Marin County supervisor for six years.
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This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.

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New York Post
19 minutes ago
- New York Post
The 21 cases left for the Supreme Court to decide, including transgender care
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REUTERS Here are some of the biggest remaining cases: Tennessee and 26 other states have enacted bans on certain treatment for transgender youth The oldest unresolved case, and arguably the term's biggest, stems from a challenge to Tennessee's law from transgender minors and their parents who argue that it is unconstitutional sex discrimination aimed at a vulnerable population. At arguments in December, the court's conservative majority seemed inclined to uphold the law, voicing skepticism of claims that it violates the 14th amendment's equal protection clause. The post-Civil War provision requires the government to treat similarly situated people the same. 7 The oldest unresolved case stems from a challenge to Tennessee's law on transgender youth AP 7 The court is weighing the case amid other federal and state efforts to regulate the lives of transgender people, such as which bathrooms they can use, and pushes to keep transgender athletes from playing in girls' sports. The court is weighing the case amid a range of other federal and state efforts to regulate the lives of transgender people, including which sports competitions they can join and which bathrooms they can use. In April, Trump's administration sued Maine for not complying with the government's push to ban transgender athletes in girls sports. Trump also has sought to block federal spending on gender-affirming care for those under 19 and a conservative majority of justices allowed him to move forward with plans to oust transgender people from the U.S. military. 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Politico
22 minutes ago
- Politico
The Resistance 2.0 arrives with nationwide ‘No Kings' protests
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Yahoo
23 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Bill Cassidy Blew It
The Atlantic Daily, a newsletter that guides you through the biggest stories of the day, helps you discover new ideas, and recommends the best in culture. Sign up for it here. It's easy to forget that Robert F. Kennedy Jr.'s assault on vaccines—including, most recently, his gutting of the expert committee that guides American vaccine policy—might have been avoided. Four months ago, his nomination for health secretary was in serious jeopardy. The deciding vote seemed to be in the hands of one Republican senator: Bill Cassidy of Louisiana. A physician who gained prominence by vaccinating low-income kids in his home state, Cassidy was wary of the longtime vaccine conspiracist. 'I have been struggling with your nomination,' he told Kennedy during his confirmation hearings in January. Then Cassidy caved. In the speech he gave on the Senate floor explaining his decision, Cassidy said that he'd vote to confirm Kennedy only because he had extracted a number of concessions from the nominee—chief among them that he would preserve, 'without changes,' the very CDC committee Kennedy overhauled this week. Since then, Cassidy has continued to give Kennedy the benefit of the doubt. On Monday, after Kennedy dismissed all 17 members of the vaccine advisory committee, Cassidy posted on X that he was working with Kennedy to prevent the open roles from being filled with 'people who know nothing about vaccines except suspicion.' [Read: The doctor who let RFK Jr. through] The senator has failed, undeniably and spectacularly. One new appointee, Robert Malone, has repeatedly spread misinformation (or what he prefers to call 'scientific dissent') about vaccines. Another appointee, Vicky Pebsworth, is on the board of an anti-vax nonprofit, the National Vaccine Information Center. Cassidy may keep insisting that he is doing all he can to stand up for vaccines. But he already had his big chance to do so, and he blew it. Now, with the rest of America, he's watching the nation's vaccine future take a nosedive. So far, the senator hasn't appeared interested in any kind of mea culpa for his faith in Kennedy's promises. On Thursday, I caught Cassidy as he hurried out of a congressional hearing room. He was still reviewing the appointees, he told me and several other reporters who gathered around him. When I chased after him down the hallway to ask more questions, he told me, 'I'll be putting out statements, and I'll let those statements stand for themselves.' A member of his staff dismissed me with a curt 'Thank you, sir.' Cassidy's staff has declined repeated requests for an interview with the senator since the confirmation vote in January. With the exception of Mitch McConnell, every GOP senator voted to confirm Kennedy. They all have to own the health secretary's actions. But Cassidy seemed to be the Republican most concerned about Kennedy's nomination, and there was a good reason to think that the doctor would vote his conscience. In 2021, Cassidy was one of seven Senate Republicans who voted to convict Donald Trump on an impeachment charge after the insurrection at the Capitol. But this time, the senator—who is up for reelection next year, facing a more MAGA-friendly challenger—ultimately fell in line. Cassidy tried to have it both ways: elevating Kennedy to his job while also vowing to constrain him. In casting his confirmation vote, Cassidy implied that the two would be in close communication, and that Kennedy had asked for his input on hiring decisions. The two reportedly had breakfast in March to discuss the health secretary's plan to dramatically reshape the department. 'Senator Cassidy speaks regularly with secretary Kennedy and believes those conversations are much more productive when they're held in private, not through press headlines,' a spokesperson for Cassidy wrote in an email. (A spokesperson for HHS did not immediately respond to a request for comment.) At times, it has appeared as though Cassidy's approach has had some effect on the health secretary. Amid the measles outbreak in Texas earlier this year, Kennedy baselessly questioned the safety of the MMR vaccine. In April, after two unvaccinated children died, Cassidy posted on X: 'Everyone should be vaccinated! There is no treatment for measles. No benefit to getting measles. Top health officials should say so unequivocally b/4 another child dies.' Cassidy didn't call out Kennedy by name, but the health secretary appeared to get the message. Later that day, Kennedy posted that the measles vaccine was the most effective way to stave off illness. ('Completely agree,' Cassidy responded.) All things considered, that's a small victory. Despite Kennedy's claims that he is not an anti-vaxxer, he has enacted a plainly anti-vaccine agenda. Since being confirmed, he has pushed out the FDA's top vaccine regulator, hired a fellow vaccine skeptic to investigate the purported link between autism and shots, and questioned the safety of childhood vaccinations currently recommended by the CDC. As my colleague Katherine J. Wu wrote this week, 'Whether he will admit to it or not, he is serving the most core goal of the anti-vaccine movement—eroding access to, and trust in, immunization.' [Read: RFK Jr. is barely even pretending anymore] The reality is that back channels can be only so effective. Cassidy's main power is to call Kennedy before the Senate health committee, which he chairs, and demand an explanation for Kennedy's new appointees to the CDC's vaccine-advisory committee. Cassidy might very well do that. In February, he said that Kennedy would 'come before the committee on a quarterly basis, if requested.' Kennedy did appear before Cassidy's committee last month to answer questions about his efforts to institute mass layoffs at his agency. Some Republicans (and many Democrats) pressed the secretary on those efforts, while others praised them. Cassidy, for his part, expressed concerns about Kennedy's indiscriminate cutting of research programs, but still, he was largely deferential. 'I agree with Secretary Kennedy that HHS needs reform,' Cassidy said. Even if he had disagreed, an angry exchange between a health secretary and a Senate committee doesn't guarantee any policy changes. Lawmakers may try to act like government bureaucrats report to them, but they have limited power once a nominee is already in their job. Technically, lawmakers can impeach Cabinet members, but in American history, a sitting Cabinet member has never been impeached and subsequently removed from office. The long and arduous confirmation process is supposed to be the bulwark against potentially dangerous nominees being put in positions of power. Cassidy and most of his Republican colleagues have already decided not to stop Kennedy from overseeing the largest department in the federal government by budget. Now Kennedy is free to do whatever he wants—senators be damned. Article originally published at The Atlantic