
Govt says no debate on SIR due to rules
Some Opposition leaders said that instead of SIR, they have proposed a debate on 'electoral reforms' as a way to end the deadlock in Parliament. However, government managers indicated the ruling side is unlikely to accede to any such debate.
'The government has been very open to taking up discussion on any matter... However, any discussion in the Parliament has to be in accordance with constitutional provisions and also in accordance with the rules as prescribed in the rules of procedure and conduct of business in the Lok Sabha,' parliamentary affairs minister Kiren Rijiju told the Lok Sabha.
'On the issue of intensive revision of electoral rolls in Bihar for which they (opposition members) are disturbing the House from first day of the session, we all know that the matter is under consideration of the Supreme Court and as such it is sub judice and a hence a discussion cannot be held on the subject,' he added.
The minister also cited a 1988 ruling by then Lok Sabha Speaker Balram Jakhar that under the existing constitutional provisions, the House cannot comment upon the actions of the Election Commission. Jakhar, according to Rijiju, had said that he cannot break the rules by allowing a discussion on the functioning of EC.
The Supreme Court is hearing a bunch of petitions challenging the ongoing SIR exercise in Bihar. On Wednesday, the top court directed EC to file a reply by August 9 in response to allegations that over 6.5 million names were deleted from Bihar's draft rolls.
Rijiju underlined that the issue relates to the functioning of EC, which is an autonomous body.
The minister also urged the Opposition members to participate in the debates for the passage of key legislations. 'I urge the members not to disrupt the House. There are important bills to be taken up,' he added.
Meanwhile, several opposition party leaders urged Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla to refer two bills — the National Sports Governance Bill, 2025 and the National Anti-Doping (Amendment) Bill, 2025 — to a joint committee of Parliament for further scrutiny. In a joint letter to the Speaker, the opposition leaders said there is a need for a broader consensus on the two significant bills, listed for consideration and passage in the House, considering their national importance.
Proceedings in both houses have been disrupted by the Opposition, which has been creating uproar in Parliament on their demand for a discussion on SIR, which they allege is aimed at disenfranchising a large number of voters.
Addressing a joint press conference of the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) bloc, Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge rejected the argument that the functioning of EC cannot be discussed in Parliament as it is an independent constitutional body.
Kharge cited former Rajya Sabha chairman Jagdeep Dhankhar's July 21, 2023 ruling that the House is authorised to debate anything under the sun and under the planet.
'We have been urging the speaker, chairman and the government again and again that the voting rights of people should not be stolen... That is what is happening in the SIR exercise,' the Congress chief said.
Alleging that government was manipulating the electoral system according to its own convenience, Kharge said that while a huge number of voters were added in the electoral list in Maharashtra, the names of voters are being deleted in assembly poll-bound Bihar.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


India.com
28 minutes ago
- India.com
Inside BCCI's RTI Escape: How Indias Richest Sports Body Avoided Public Scrutiny In New Sports Bill
The Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) has once again displayed its political and financial clout, dodging a long-looming inclusion under the Right to Information (RTI) Act. In a significant development that is already stirring debate across the sports fraternity, the Union Sports Ministry has amended the National Sports Governance Bill to exempt BCCI from being classified as a "public authority" — a title that would have opened it to public scrutiny. The earlier draft of the Sports Bill tabled in Parliament on July 23 had explicitly included all National Sports Federations (NSFs) within the scope of the RTI Act, 2005. It aimed to enforce accountability across Indian sport by mandating transparency in decision-making, team selections, fund usage, and governance. However, a key clause — 'a recognised sports organisation shall be considered a public authority under the Right to Information Act' — has now been quietly omitted. The revised version of the Bill specifies that only bodies 'receiving grants or financial assistance from the Central or State Government' will be considered public authorities under RTI, effectively sparing the BCCI, which is financially self-reliant and does not receive direct government funding. Why BCCI Was Let Off the Hook Sources within the Sports Ministry clarified that the amendment was necessary to remove legal grey areas and prevent the Bill from facing potential litigation. 'The amended clause defines public authority as an entity relying on government funds or assistance. This ensures compliance with the RTI Act,' a senior ministry official told The Indian Express. The exemption appears tailored to the BCCI's long-standing argument — that its operations are entirely independent of government subsidies, and hence it should not be forced into transparency obligations meant for publicly funded bodies. Despite this, watchdogs argue that the BCCI has enjoyed indirect government benefits such as tax exemptions, land grants, and access to public infrastructure. Olympic Push Forces BCCI's Partial Compliance While BCCI may have dodged the RTI net, it isn't walking away entirely unscathed. The amended Sports Bill still mandates that the BCCI must register as a National Sports Federation (NSF) — a pre-condition for India's ambition to include cricket in the 2036 Olympics, where India is bidding to be host. This compliance will bring new obligations: the formation of an Ethics Commission, Athletes Committee, and implementation of the Safe Sports policy, among others. Moreover, any instance of government assistance — including use of stadiums, security, or land — would open a window for scrutiny under the RTI Act, albeit limited to those specific interactions. Expert Opinions: Transparency vs Autonomy The move has reignited discussions around sports governance and accountability. Legal experts and former officials cite the Supreme Court's 2016 RM Lodha Committee recommendations and the Law Commission's 275th report in 2018, both of which endorsed the inclusion of BCCI under RTI due to its public function and historical government benefits. Critics argue that while financial independence is a valid point, the BCCI's monopolistic control over cricket in India — a sport followed by over a billion people — necessitates transparency. 'You can't be a private body when it suits you and a public institution when it benefits you,' noted a senior legal analyst.


The Hindu
28 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Digital campaign strategies in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls
India's 2024 Lok Sabha election spanned seven phases from April 19 to June 1, with around 642 million voters casting ballots at 1.05 million polling stations. While traditional campaign methods such as rallies, motorcades, and door-to-door canvassing remained influential, many voters' primary engagement with political parties came through screens. Political content flooded digital spaces through short videos on social media, targeted ads following users across apps, meme pages, and influencers weaving political commentary into lifestyle content. The 2024 election was not just supported by digital media; it was fundamentally shaped by it. The recently released report by Lokniti-CSDS provides a data-driven analysis of digital platforms' role in the 2024 elections, showing how they complemented traditional door-to-door efforts in mobilising voters. This study analysed the social media campaigns of eight political parties — the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), Congress, Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Shiv Sena (Shinde), and Trinamool Congress (AITC)— on X and Facebook during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Focusing on engagement metrics and thematic content, the study tracked all posts across both platforms, including those in regional languages translated into English. Metrics such as likes, shares, comments, and views on Facebook, and likes, reposts, replies, and views on X, were used to assess voter response and messaging effectiveness. This is Part 1 of the study. To account for differences in follower counts, the Effective Engagement Rate (EER) was calculated by dividing total engagements by the total number of followers on each platform. Analysing engagement relative to follower count reveals the real impact of campaign messaging. A large following with low EER suggests weak content appeal, while a smaller following with high EER indicates stronger resonance with supporters. The engagement analysis revealed key platform-specific trends. On X, Congress recorded the highest engagement, followed by BJP and AAP, reflecting strong voter interaction (Table 1). On Facebook, Trinamool Congress led in engagement, with JD(U) also performing notably well. Advertising strategies Beyond engagement metrics, thematic analysis revealed distinct campaign strategies during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Posts were categorised into themes such as economic issues, policies, governance, vote appeals, and attacks on the opposition. The Thematic Average (TA) was calculated by averaging each party's thematic focus across both platforms. AAP (56%) and Trinamool (44%) focused heavily on attacking opponents, while BJP (36%) and Shiv Sena (32%) emphasised vote appeals. JD(U) centred its campaign on policy issues (60%), including reservations, youth employment, and women's empowerment (Table 2). Religious content appeared primarily in BJP and Shiv Sena posts. Demographic targeting — addressing women, youth, and farmers —was visible in posts by the JD(U) (16%) and RJD (15%). Digital advertising is now essential in electoral campaigns, shaping voter perceptions. Social media platforms like Facebook and Instagram, both owned by Meta, have become widely used in India, enabling political parties to reach and influence a diverse audience through posts and ads. The study analysed the digital strategies of Congress and BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, with a focus on their extensive use of Facebook and Instagram ads. It examines ad spend, thematic messaging, user engagement, and content consumption through the Meta Ad Library. BJP and Congress showed stark contrasts in their digital advertising. The BJP ran 41,127 ads on Meta during the period, compared to Congress's 1,041, reflecting BJP's aggressive saturation strategy versus Congress's more targeted approach. However, the sheer number of ads does not necessarily translate into messaging effectiveness or voter engagement (Table 3). BJP's digital strategy was more diversified, placing 53% of its ads on Instagram, 45% on Facebook, and 1% on both platforms, allowing tailored messaging for each. In contrast, Congress concentrated 86% of its ads on both Instagram and Facebook simultaneously, with only 1% exclusive to Instagram and none solely on Facebook (Table 4). The language distribution of Meta ads also reveals contrasting strategies. The Congress focused primarily on Hindi, using it for 92% of ads, with limited regional presence (2% each in Tamil and Kannada), suggesting a more centralised voter appeal. In contrast, the BJP adopted a more linguistically diverse strategy, with 72% of ads in Hindi, and the rest distributed across Bengali, Odia, Marathi, and Tamil, highlighting its regional outreach within a national campaign framework. Moreover, spending patterns of the BJP and Congress reflect different campaign strategies. The BJP favoured cost-efficiency, with 65% of its ads costing between ₹0 and ₹999, allowing for high-volume dissemination and broader visibility. The Congress in contrast, allocated more to higher-cost ads, with 34% in the ₹1,00,000 to ₹4,99,999 range, emphasising quality over quantity. This indicates Congress's focus on fewer, high-impact ads, contrasted with BJP's saturation strategy of numerous low-cost ads (Table 5). The BJP's ads were primarily focused on direct vote appeals, with significant emphasis on infrastructure, development, and the economy. Nationalist themes, such as India's global standing and the abrogation of Article 370, were also prominent (Table 6). On the other hand, the Congress's digital ads featured a more aggressive approach, with a heavy focus on criticism of the BJP's handling of economic issues, especially unemployment and inflation. Interestingly, religious content was notably absent from Congress's ads (Table 7). An analysis of ad impressions reveals contrasting strategies between the BJP and Congress. The BJP's negative ads consistently had more reach, with 23% appearing in the 1,00,000-4,99,999 impression range, compared to just 18% of its positive ads in a similar range. In contrast, Congress prioritised positive messaging, with over half (52%) of its positive ads surpassing one million impressions, while only 27% of its negative ads achieved the same (Table 8). Outreach on Google In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, digital platforms, particularly Google, played a pivotal role in political outreach. A comparative analysis of the BJP and Congress reveals distinct differences in their digital strategies. The data used has been derived from the Google Ads Transparency Centre. The BJP ran 2,25,695 ads across all seven election phases (excluding the silence period), while the Congress deployed only 9,251 ads. This disparity was further reflected in their respective expenditures, with the BJP spending ₹560 million and the Congress ₹210 million (Table 9). Nearly all BJP Google ads ran for 20 days or fewer, reflecting a strategy of rapid content turnover. In contrast, most Congress ads lasted between 21 and 40 days, indicating a focus on sustained visibility. Very few ads from either party exceeded 40 days. In terms of format, both parties used image and video ads, though with different emphasis. The BJP leaned on image-based content for broad visual appeal, whereas the Congress allocated a larger share to video ads, favouring more dynamic and immersive storytelling (Table 10). For the BJP, a majority of its ads (98%) fell within the ₹1,00,000 range, with only 2% of ads exceeding this amount. In contrast, the Congress displayed a more balanced spending distribution, with 73% of its ads falling within the ₹1,00,000 range, while 27% exceeded this threshold (Table 11). The outcomes were visible in impressions: 61% of BJP ads had fewer than 10,000 views, and only 3% crossed one million. However, 21% of Congress ads surpassed the one million mark, and over half fell within the 10,001–one million range indicating stronger reach and engagement (Table 12). Across seven election phases, the BJP used a highly localised micro-targeting strategy, focusing on specific regions while excluding others. In contrast, the Congress adopted a broader strategy, mainly targeting entire States or the country, with minimal exclusions, reflecting a less localised campaign focus (Table 13). BJP's ads showed significant variation across phases, while Congress's remained mostly consistent, often repeating similar content. Nearly all BJP ads featured Prime Minister Narendra Modi with the slogan 'Fir Ek Baar Modi Sarkar' (Once again Modi Government). Congress ads mainly showcased the slogan 'Hath Badlega Halaat' (The Palm will change the condition). Unlike BJP, Congress ads did not include explicit vote appeals. The silent period The digital shift of political campaigns has made it easier for political parties to bypass election regulations, particularly during the 48-hour silence period meant to ensure free and fair voting. An analysis of Google Ads using the Transparency Centre data reveals potential violations of these rules by parties during the recent elections. The Election Commission's (EC) Model Code of Conduct (MCC) requires a 48-hour silence period before polling, banning all campaigning including digital. Despite this, parties have been observed violating the silence period by running online ads. During the 48-hour silence period, the BJP ran 179,070 ads on Google compared to Congress's 8,149 — a ratio of approximately 21:1. Yet the BJP's total spend was only about 25% higher, than the Congress's. These figures reflect all ads live at any point in the silence windows, not necessarily violations. To identify actual breaches of the MCC, researchers sampled ads to check if they targeted poll-bound constituencies during the restricted window. Only such ads were considered violations of the rules. To assess compliance, a sample of ads from both parties was analysed in each phase. For the BJP, 2,996 ads were analysed, and 492 were found to be in violation of the MCC. In contrast, of the 958 Congress ads analysed, 698 (or 73%) were found to be in violation of the MCC (Table 14 and Table 15). These repeated violations reveal gaps in current election regulations concerning digital platforms. The team comprised Sanjay Kumar (Professor and Co-director Lokniti-CSDS); Suhas Palshikar (Taught political science and is chief editor of Studies in Indian Politics), Sandeep Shastri (Director-Academics, NITTE Education Trust and the National Coordinator of the Lokniti Network), Aditi Singh (Assistant Professor, Jindal Global Law School, O.P. Jindal Global University) and Vibha Attri (Research Associate at Lokniti-CSDS).


Indian Express
28 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Why Mamata Banerjee allowed old lieutenant Kalyan Banerjee to quit as Chief Whip amid his feud with Mahua Moitra
Having accepted Kalyan Banerjee's resignation as the party's Chief Whip in the Lok Sabha, Trinamool Congress (TMC) chairperson and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee put a new leadership team in place in Parliament under her nephew and second-in-command Abhishek Banerjee. Mamata readily letting go of one of the party's old guard, while surprising to an extent, makes sense given that the TMC is months away from the West Bengal Assembly elections and needs a steady hand at the helm in Parliament, where the Opposition is looking to regroup and put forward a united front against the BJP over Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. Given this, the feud between Kalyan, one of the CM's oldest party colleagues, and Krishnanagar MP Mahua Moitra had become a distraction for the party at such a crucial political juncture, and his inability to dial down the situation ultimately proved to be his undoing. At a meeting on Monday, Mamata is said to have expressed her displeasure at the two, saying two to three MPs were bringing the party 'into disrepute'. However, the most stinging remarks were reserved for Kalyan, whom she blamed for not properly coordinating between MPs in the absence of veterans Sudip Bandyopadhyay and Saugata Roy. This did not sit well with Kalyan who announced his resignation as Chief Whip after the meeting and took aim at the CM herself, telling a news channel he had done the job assigned and there was not much he could do when most of the MPs remained absent 'Does Mamata Banerjee know how the work in Parliament is going on?' he asked. The party decided to ignore this and Abhishek even requested his senior colleague to lay low till he arrives in Delhi on August 7 for a dinner meeting of the INDIA alliance at Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi's home. The TMC number two requested Kalyan, with whom he has had differences in the past as he asserted his dominance in the party, to reconsider his decision. However, after Kalyan targeted Mahua again on Tuesday. Mamata and Abhishek were left with no choice but to accept the Serampore MP's resignation. 'Mamata Banerjee was not ready to accept Kalyan's resignation as he is one of her oldest lieutenants. But he continued his attacks on Mahua and 'Didi' even after Abhishek requested him to reconsider his decision. This forced her hand,' said a TMC leader. A senior TMC MP said the CM wanted the feud between Mahua and Kalyan to end so that there would be no distractions before the parliamentary group as the party pursues its political agenda. At the dinner meeting at Gandhi's home, discussions are expected to be held on the INDIA bloc walking in lockstep to take on the BJP and the Narendra Modi government over electoral roll revision. 'Mamata Banerjee wants the parliamentary party to concentrate on the political agenda. Sudip Bandyopadhyay (who was earlier the Parliamentary Party leader) and Kalyan Banerjee are now out of the picture and (Dum Dum MP) Saugata Roy is unwell. So, we have to see how the new faces of the party handle such a crucial situation in Parliament,' said the senior MP. Another TMC leader said that following the reshuffle, Abhishek, the Diamond Harbour MP, and his team are in charge of maintaining party discipline in Parliament. While Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar, who is close to both the CM and her nephew, has replaced Kalyan as Chief Whip, Birbhum MP Satabdi Roy is the Deputy Leader. The change appeared to have had an initial effect on Wednesday, with the TMC functionary saying that after a long time, 'we saw our MPs properly highlighting the Bengali issue in front of Parliament'. He was referring to the party's campaign against the alleged harassment of Bangla speakers in BJP-ruled states in the name of identifying undocumented immigrants from Bangladesh. For everyone in the party, the burning question is whether this is enough to de-escalate the situation and bring the TMC parliamentary party back on track as it looks to coordinate with the rest of the Opposition on cornering the BJP in the House. Atri Mitra is a Special Correspondent of The Indian Express with more than 20 years of experience in reporting from West Bengal, Bihar and the North-East. He has been covering administration and political news for more than ten years and has a keen interest in political development in West Bengal. Atri holds a Master degree in Economics from Rabindrabharati University and Bachelor's degree from Calcutta University. He is also an alumnus of St. Xavier's, Kolkata and Ramakrishna Mission Asrama, Narendrapur. He started his career with leading vernacular daily the Anandabazar Patrika, and worked there for more than fifteen years. He worked as Bihar correspondent for more than three years for Anandabazar Patrika. He covered the 2009 Lok Sabha election and 2010 assembly elections. He also worked with News18-Bangla and covered the Bihar Lok Sabha election in 2019. ... Read More