Media development challenges in Latin America
The report by DW Akademie's think tank DW Freedom takes a thorough look at the media development sector, a crucial part of international cooperation. It offers recommendations for its organizations and their funders.
It drew on the six principles for relevant and effective media support outlined by OECD, assessing: How well is the media development sector fulfilling these principles?
Where is it making important contributions?
And what points are in need of further improvement?
Resilient yet under constant pressure, media development organizations in Latin America and the Caribbean navigate political and geographical risks, scarce funding, and uneven donor support.
From indigenous community radio stations in Guatemala to investigative networks in Brazil and tightly connected media alliances across the Caribbean, media development organizations in Latin America and the Caribbean play a vital role in supporting public interest media.
A new regional assessment, part of DW Akademie's global State of Media Development Report, examined how well donor support aligns with the OECD's six principles for effective media assistance. Drawing on interviews, surveys, and regional expertise, it reveals that none of the six principles are fully met. Principle 1: Do no harm to public interest media
Media development organizations did not report direct harm from donors, but many flagged indirect risks, such as the stigmatization of foreign-funded media and projects that overlook political and security realities. In precarious environments, journalists can face coercion and mental health needs are often ignored. One organization partnered with a crisis-response mental health NGO, calling it "essential for sustaining our work." Donors were praised when they showed flexibility whenever risks appeared and funded security needs. Chronic underfunding forces most media development organizations to rely on short-term project-based grants that rarely cover core costs Image: Jens Büttner/ZB/picture alliance Recommendations
Donors should integrate risk assessments into projects, ensure resources beyond training (legal, digital, psychological, etc.), and adapt visibility and reporting requirements to local conditions. Principle 2: Increase financial and other assistance
Chronic underfunding forces most media development organizations to rely on short-term project-based grants that rarely cover core costs. Community and rural media often receive no funding despite being used for communication about ongoing projects. Emergency funds are scarce and slow to arrive, especially in crises like Covid-19. One organization created its own Story Development Fund to support its beneficiaries in the coverage of neglected issues like male suicide and environmental sustainability. Emergency funds for media development organizations in Latin America and the Caribbean are scarce and slow to arrive, for instance during the Covid-19 crisis Image: Guillermo Nova/dpa/picture alliance Recommendations
Media development organizations recommend increasing long-term and core funding, support diverse revenue models, and prioritize marginalized, hyperlocal, and indigenous media partners. Principle 3: Take a whole-system perspective
Ecosystem analysis is often informal, and donor strategies can ignore local realities, especially in island states and rural areas. Respondents warned against lumping Latin America and the Caribbean into one category, citing cultural, social, and political differences. One interviewee stressed, "The pooling of Latin America and the Caribbean as a single space is problematic because it does not take into account the insular nature. We are largely island states, with different languages, cultural and political antecedents." Media development organizations recommend funding locally led projects Image: Michael Melford/Design Pics/picture alliance Recommendations
Donors should co-develop ecosystem diagnostics with local actors, include diverse communicators beyond traditional outlets, and avoid one-size-fits-all regional templates. Principle 4: Strengthen local leadership and ownership
Many organizations apply as sole funding applicants due to failed partnerships or inaccessible donor procedures. Rural and smaller actors often miss out, and ineligible language requirements add barriers. Respondents were vocal against all forms of "parachuting in" Global North trainers and noted that, even when this is avoided, donor-imposed frameworks and program designs often lack cultural and local alignment. Recommendations
Media development organizations recommend funding locally led projects, prioritizing regional trainers and experts, simplifying applications, and making grants accessible to grassroots actors. Principle 5: Improve coordination of support
Reporting demands are often repetitive and burdensome and divert resources from programs. Smaller organizations face compliance processes disconnected from their realities, as some organizations from Guyana, Jamaica and Guatemala stressed. Donor response during crises is often slow, like during the Covid-19 pandemic, while local actors mobilize quickly, as seen in Brazil's legal defense network for journalists during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro. Recommendations
Donors should harmonize reporting requirements, allow budgets for administrative support, and establish rapid response funding mechanisms. Principle 6: Invest in knowledge, research, and learning
Research is widely valued by media development organizations. However, it is underfunded, which limits systematic studies and the use of participatory methods. Many share findings openly to benefit the wider sector. Likewise, networks like the Global Forum for Media Development (GFMD), the Global Investigative Journalism Network (GIJN), the International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX), the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ), Investigative Reporters and Editors (IRE), the Media Development Investment Fund (MDIF), the World Association of News Publishers (WAN-IFRA), Fundación Gabo , the Latin American Conference of Investigative Journalism (COLPIN), and the International Fact-Checking Network (IFCN) are key for peer learning and exchange. Recommendations
Media development organizations recommend funding locally driven research, supporting South-South knowledge exchange, and ensuring commissioned studies are returned in usable formats to those who contributed. Journalists face among others political pressure and economic uncertainty in Latin America and the Caribbean Image: Wilder Lopez/AP Photo/picture alliance
Media development organizations in Latin America and the Caribbean continue to innovate, collaborate, and find ways to sustain public interest media in difficult environments. They do so while facing political pressure, economic uncertainty, environmental challenges, and donor systems that often overlook local realities.
The region's strengths though, from strong networks to a culture of knowledge sharing, show what is possible when support aligns with context. Progress will depend on donors pairing core and project funding, simplifying requirements, enabling rapid crisis response, and trusting local leadership to drive culturally relevant solutions. Emy Osorio Matorel Image: Privat
Emy Osorio Matorel is the Latin America and Caribbean consultant for DW Akademie's State of Media Development 2025 research project. She has collaborated in various capacities, including as a fellow and consultant, with organizations such as the Catholic Media Council, the Global Forum for Media Development, the Global Media Registry, Internews, the Kettering Foundation, and Fundación Gabo, among others. She is currently an independent consultant working at the intersection of media development, technology, and society.

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DW
2 days ago
- DW
Media development challenges in Latin America
Local leadership, core funding, crisis response: Findings from the State of Media Development Report show that media actors in Latin America need long-term, context-driven support to safeguard independent journalism. The report by DW Akademie's think tank DW Freedom takes a thorough look at the media development sector, a crucial part of international cooperation. It offers recommendations for its organizations and their funders. It drew on the six principles for relevant and effective media support outlined by OECD, assessing: How well is the media development sector fulfilling these principles? Where is it making important contributions? And what points are in need of further improvement? Resilient yet under constant pressure, media development organizations in Latin America and the Caribbean navigate political and geographical risks, scarce funding, and uneven donor support. From indigenous community radio stations in Guatemala to investigative networks in Brazil and tightly connected media alliances across the Caribbean, media development organizations in Latin America and the Caribbean play a vital role in supporting public interest media. A new regional assessment, part of DW Akademie's global State of Media Development Report, examined how well donor support aligns with the OECD's six principles for effective media assistance. Drawing on interviews, surveys, and regional expertise, it reveals that none of the six principles are fully met. Principle 1: Do no harm to public interest media Media development organizations did not report direct harm from donors, but many flagged indirect risks, such as the stigmatization of foreign-funded media and projects that overlook political and security realities. In precarious environments, journalists can face coercion and mental health needs are often ignored. One organization partnered with a crisis-response mental health NGO, calling it "essential for sustaining our work." Donors were praised when they showed flexibility whenever risks appeared and funded security needs. Chronic underfunding forces most media development organizations to rely on short-term project-based grants that rarely cover core costs Image: Jens Büttner/ZB/picture alliance Recommendations Donors should integrate risk assessments into projects, ensure resources beyond training (legal, digital, psychological, etc.), and adapt visibility and reporting requirements to local conditions. Principle 2: Increase financial and other assistance Chronic underfunding forces most media development organizations to rely on short-term project-based grants that rarely cover core costs. Community and rural media often receive no funding despite being used for communication about ongoing projects. Emergency funds are scarce and slow to arrive, especially in crises like Covid-19. One organization created its own Story Development Fund to support its beneficiaries in the coverage of neglected issues like male suicide and environmental sustainability. Emergency funds for media development organizations in Latin America and the Caribbean are scarce and slow to arrive, for instance during the Covid-19 crisis Image: Guillermo Nova/dpa/picture alliance Recommendations Media development organizations recommend increasing long-term and core funding, support diverse revenue models, and prioritize marginalized, hyperlocal, and indigenous media partners. Principle 3: Take a whole-system perspective Ecosystem analysis is often informal, and donor strategies can ignore local realities, especially in island states and rural areas. Respondents warned against lumping Latin America and the Caribbean into one category, citing cultural, social, and political differences. One interviewee stressed, "The pooling of Latin America and the Caribbean as a single space is problematic because it does not take into account the insular nature. We are largely island states, with different languages, cultural and political antecedents." Media development organizations recommend funding locally led projects Image: Michael Melford/Design Pics/picture alliance Recommendations Donors should co-develop ecosystem diagnostics with local actors, include diverse communicators beyond traditional outlets, and avoid one-size-fits-all regional templates. Principle 4: Strengthen local leadership and ownership Many organizations apply as sole funding applicants due to failed partnerships or inaccessible donor procedures. Rural and smaller actors often miss out, and ineligible language requirements add barriers. Respondents were vocal against all forms of "parachuting in" Global North trainers and noted that, even when this is avoided, donor-imposed frameworks and program designs often lack cultural and local alignment. Recommendations Media development organizations recommend funding locally led projects, prioritizing regional trainers and experts, simplifying applications, and making grants accessible to grassroots actors. Principle 5: Improve coordination of support Reporting demands are often repetitive and burdensome and divert resources from programs. Smaller organizations face compliance processes disconnected from their realities, as some organizations from Guyana, Jamaica and Guatemala stressed. Donor response during crises is often slow, like during the Covid-19 pandemic, while local actors mobilize quickly, as seen in Brazil's legal defense network for journalists during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro. Recommendations Donors should harmonize reporting requirements, allow budgets for administrative support, and establish rapid response funding mechanisms. Principle 6: Invest in knowledge, research, and learning Research is widely valued by media development organizations. However, it is underfunded, which limits systematic studies and the use of participatory methods. Many share findings openly to benefit the wider sector. Likewise, networks like the Global Forum for Media Development (GFMD), the Global Investigative Journalism Network (GIJN), the International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX), the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ), Investigative Reporters and Editors (IRE), the Media Development Investment Fund (MDIF), the World Association of News Publishers (WAN-IFRA), Fundación Gabo , the Latin American Conference of Investigative Journalism (COLPIN), and the International Fact-Checking Network (IFCN) are key for peer learning and exchange. Recommendations Media development organizations recommend funding locally driven research, supporting South-South knowledge exchange, and ensuring commissioned studies are returned in usable formats to those who contributed. Journalists face among others political pressure and economic uncertainty in Latin America and the Caribbean Image: Wilder Lopez/AP Photo/picture alliance Media development organizations in Latin America and the Caribbean continue to innovate, collaborate, and find ways to sustain public interest media in difficult environments. They do so while facing political pressure, economic uncertainty, environmental challenges, and donor systems that often overlook local realities. The region's strengths though, from strong networks to a culture of knowledge sharing, show what is possible when support aligns with context. Progress will depend on donors pairing core and project funding, simplifying requirements, enabling rapid crisis response, and trusting local leadership to drive culturally relevant solutions. Emy Osorio Matorel Image: Privat Emy Osorio Matorel is the Latin America and Caribbean consultant for DW Akademie's State of Media Development 2025 research project. She has collaborated in various capacities, including as a fellow and consultant, with organizations such as the Catholic Media Council, the Global Forum for Media Development, the Global Media Registry, Internews, the Kettering Foundation, and Fundación Gabo, among others. She is currently an independent consultant working at the intersection of media development, technology, and society.


DW
7 days ago
- DW
5 years after protests in Belarus: Have things changed? – DW – 08/08/2025
Five years ago, mass protests rocked Belarus — but the regime clamped down hard. What's changed since then? And could things have turned out differently? No one saw it coming when the largest protests in Belarus' history erupted five years ago — in a country that had already been ruled autocratically by Alexander Lukashenko for more than a quarter of a century. At the time, people took to the streets to protest against the results of the August 9, 2020, presidential election, which was rigged in Lukashenko's favor. They were also angered by the authorities' lack of steps to protect the population against the COVID-19 pandemic and the arrest of the most promising opposition presidential candidates and thousands of citizens. Women organized marches and students took to the streets. Workers, actors, and athletes protested, diplomats were dismissed, and doctors and teachers wrote open letters to voice their dissatisfaction. In turn, the country's security forces responded with a wave of violence. Many people were hurt and even killed, with a steady stream of injured people taken directly from police stations to hospitals. And the Hollywood story of the then housewife Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, who entered the race for the Belarusian presidency in place of her then-imprisoned husband Siarhei Tsikhanouski, ended without a happy ending. She was forced into exile in Lithuania. Over the years, Alexander Lukashenko increasingly worked to secure Russia's support. He helped Vladimir Putin in the war against Ukraine, triggered a migration crisis on the border with the European Union, gained power for another five-year term, and still has no intention of stepping down. But could things have turned out differently? The developments in Belarus could not have turned out any differently at the time, says Artyom Shraibman, an expert at the Carnegie Center, a foreign policy think tank. "The West had no leverage at these critical moments to weaken the Lukashenko regime in any way," the Berlin-based political scientist said in an interview with DW. DW columnist Alexander Friedman, who teaches Eastern European history at German universities, points to the global political paradigm, which was different in 2020. "From a European perspective, Belarus was perceived as a zone of Russian interests where extreme caution was required," he said. The situation might have been different if Putin had not supported Lukashenko and had instead taken a neutral position. Five years on, there are no longer even digital traces of the mass protests in Belarus. The media outlets that reported on them at the time are now closed or operate from abroad. Their websites are blocked by the Belarusian authorities. Many people have also deleted their private photos and videos of the events of 2020, fearful that authorities will use them to identify participants in the protests. Articles, reports, archives, and social media posts have also disappeared. At the same time, it is increasingly difficult for the regime in Belarus to hide the enormous scale of the repression. According to the human rights center "Viasna" in Belarus, at least 8,519 people have been prosecuted for political reasons since 2020, and a total of more than 60,000 people have been imprisoned. Among the most prominent prisoners is activist and flutist Maria Kolesnikova, who was sentenced to 11 years in prison. Her relatives have had no contact with her to this day. The same applies to banker and philanthropist Viktor Babaryka, who is serving a 14-year prison sentence. And human rights activist Ales Bialiatski is currently the only Nobel Prize winner in the world who has to work six days a week in a penal colony. "Bialiatski's health is deteriorating; he has problems with his eyesight and his legs," said Leonid Sudalenko, a former political prisoner and Bialiatski's colleague at Viasna, in an interview with DW. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Even today, Belarusians are still being persecuted in connection with the 2020 protests. Since the beginning of the year, more than 1,700 people have been arrested on administrative, criminal, and politically motivated charges. And those are only the numbers known to human rights activists. The reasons for detention are manifold. Some were photographed during the protests. Others liked "extremist" web content – although in Belarus, all independent media is classified as "extremist", including DW. Some left "incorrect" comments on the web, campaigned for the "wrong" candidate in the 2020 elections, made donations or sent parcels to political prisoners. The list of "extremist" offenses is long. For example, a company that produced jewelry pendants in the shape of a map of Belarus was recently labeled "extremist." In recent months, the regime has released political prisoners in small groups — more than 300 people in total. In June 2025, this included Siarhei Tsikhanouski, blogger and husband of the leader of the Belarusian democratic forces, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya. He was released from custody on the day Alexander Lukashenko met with US President Donald Trump's special envoy, Keith Kellogg. The Belarusian regime makes no secret of the fact that it would release political prisoners in exchange for concessions from the West. Lukashenko declared on July 31 that he was prepared to hand over several thousand people. "If you want them, take them! What do you offer in return?" he wrote after talks with the US delegation. Artyom Shraibman believes the West could do more to support people in Belarusian prisons. "It could negotiate more actively for the release of these people and offer Lukashenko concessions in terms of his reputation and diplomacy — phone calls, visits and contacts." In theory, Western countries could go even further, he said, and "consider lifting some sanctions in order to reach a kind of exchange with Lukashenko to end the migration crisis and release political prisoners." But the expert said that such steps would be unlikely to radically change the situation in Belarus. Instead, they could change the prospects of individual victims of this regime. Their fates are largely in the hands of the West. However, since Belarus has not been and is not a priority, there has been no sign of serious willingness to get involved so far.


Int'l Business Times
07-08-2025
- Int'l Business Times
Trump's 'Dividend' Promise For Americans Leaves Open Questions
If Donald Trump is to be believed, millions of Americans could receive a financial slice of the fortunes generated by the US president's sweeping tariffs. But the eyebrow-raising suggestion from a leader with a flair for creating headlines is largely opaque -- with key questions left open about how the giveaway would be funded. Trump himself has acknowledged the difficulty in splashing cash at a time when the United States faces crushing debt. "We have so much money coming in, we are thinking about a little rebate," Trump said last month, "but the big thing we want to do is pay down debt." He has since referred to the so-called rebate as a "dividend," and said it could be for "people that would be middle income people and lower income people." His idea has, naturally, roused interest. Republican Senator Josh Hawley introduced a bill in July that would see $600 checks sent to each adult and dependent child in American families. Trump has a track record in dishing out money -- or at least taking the credit for it. During the Covid pandemic, he insisted that his name be put on government checks distributed to tens of millions of Americans as financial support. Trump's latest plan raises a key question: How will it be financed? The United States faces a national deficit that worsened from October to June compared to the same period a year earlier. That was despite a rise in revenue generated by tariffs that Trump has slapped on dozens of US trading partners. Handing out cash to Americans would add to the deficit and increase the country's debt, which was at more than $36.8 trillion by early August. Trump, when explaining his dividend idea, has claimed the United States is raking in trillions of dollars from other countries thanks to his protectionist agenda. The Republican has also cited large investments promised by Japan and the European Union -- deals that coincided with agreements on US tariffs. But foreign leaders paint a different picture. Japan, for example, has stated that its $550 billion pledge will largely be in the form of loans and guarantees -- certainly not just hard cash. And Trump's claims about the revenue generated by tariffs can also be misleading. The president claims -- wrongly -- that tariffs are paid by foreign countries to the US government. Yet, in reality, it is importers in the United States that are on the hook. Most economists note that American consumers therefore end up paying more as businesses, facing rising costs, raise prices on their products.