
Researchers recommend changes to special ed funding under state formula review
The recommendations from the Maine Educational Policy Research Institute, a nonpartisan wing of the University of Maine System that works with legislators, are part of an ongoing effort to update the two-decade-old formula, which the Legislature initiated last year. Many education leaders and lawmakers say that it fails to account for growing needs like special education, multilingual learners and homeless students.
The research group, known as MEPRI, kicked off its presentations last month with data trends and superintendent perspectives and continued Wednesday morning with briefings on two specific aspects of the formula: regional salary adjustments and special education funding.
SPECIAL EDUCATION
One of the issues that education leaders have been most vocal about is special education, which has evolved significantly since the formula was created.
Maine spent about $517 million on special education in 2023, which accounts for about 20% of all education spending. More and more Maine students are in need of special education, with rates of autism rising by 86% over the past decade, and the state's overall special needs student rate rising from 16% to 20%. Maine also has one of the nation's highest rates of special education students.
The current special education funding model starts with the number of students with Individualized Education Plans (IEPs), then makes additional adjustments for students with more intense needs or those who attend out-of-district specialty programs. But then that number gets compared to the district's total special ed spending from the previous year, and if it's higher than the calculated value, the district just gets that higher amount.
"At the end of the day, for many districts — not all — it's based really on how much they're spending," Amy Johnson, co-director of MEPRI, said.
Superintendents have critiqued this model as allowing wealthier districts that are able to spend more on special education to inherently received greater state funding. Johnson said the model has several outdated elements, and the expenditure-driven model raises equity concerns.
"More money goes to districts that probably have more ability to pay," Johnson said.
The wealthiest districts are getting much more funding per pupil than the poorest districts. The wealthiest third of districts get an average of $3,839 per students, while the poorest third of districts get $1,307 for each student, according to 2020 data Johnson presented.
That's why MEPRI is suggesting a funding model based on different weights for students with different levels of need. Johnson proposed dividing students into two tiers based on the intensity of need.
She said MEPRI needs more comprehensive data to suggest exactly what those weights should be and is still developing a model to suggest to lawmakers. That proposal, Johnson said, will be in the final report.
REGIONAL ADJUSTMENTS
The current funding formula also accounts for regional differences in salary in an effort to provide adequate staffing resources to districts in both high- and low-cost areas.
Those adjustments are based on a "labor market area" model, wherein Maine is divided into different markets (like Greater Portland and Bangor) and each is assigned an adjustment — either higher or lower than the baseline — based on salary data in the area.
"The reason that this is important is, if you are in a high-salary area of the state, you need more resources to be able to pay those salaries," said Johnson. She also said low-salary areas benefit from those adjustments to keep their tax rates down.
But, Johnson explained, those labor markets are based on data from when the formula rolled out in 2005. She said MEPRI has recommended changes to the regional adjustments five times, but they've never been implemented because of legislators' fears that some districts will be negatively impacted while others will benefit.
In the current report, the researchers compared five different adjustments to that model, including updating the salary data and introducing a floor or cap for the adjustments.
Johnson said MEPRI prefers a scenario where the data is updated and both a floor and cap are added because it would keep the adjustments affordable and fair while accounting for shifts that have happened over time.
But an even better method, she said, would be to switch to a model based on cost of living rather than on salary costs themselves. That information is already calculated and updated regularly by several outside agencies at a county level.
"We believe that switching to cost of living is an improvement, partly because of the practical reasons of being able to tie it to an external index that can be updated over time, but also because we believe that using only salaries is capturing ability to pay, and not just labor market issues," she said.
MEPRI has divided its report into five presentations that are being delivered to the Education and Cultural Affairs Committee over the course of the session. The next funding formula presentation, on districts' ability to pay, will be next month. The final report should be out by the end of April.
Copy the Story Link
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
J&J signs $2bn incumbency deal at CDMO Fujifilm's new hub
Johnson & Johnson (J&J) will invest $2bn into a new drug manufacturing facility in North Carolina, US, as the pharma giant begins to outline how it will spread a $55bn pot announced earlier this year to boost domestic manufacturing. The investment arrives via a ten-year deal with contract development and manufacturing organisation (CDMO) Fujifilm Biotechnologies. The drugmaker has outlaid more than $2bn over the period for a 160,000ft² manufacturing facility at Fujifilm's new manufacturing hub in Holly Springs, North Carolina. J&J did not reveal what it would use the new facility for and provided little information on timelines, although Fujifilm has said separately that the Holly Springs hub will operate on large-scale cell culture manufacturing of bulk drug substances. Fujifilm hopes for the hub to become operational in 2025 and has so far injected $3.2bn into the site. Regeneron is also set to become an incumbent of the hub, agreeing a $3bn deal – similarly lasting ten years – with Fujifilm in April 2025. In March 2025, J&J announced it would invest $55bn to bolster US manufacturing operations. This strategy, which includes the building of four new manufacturing sites, comes amid an ongoing push by US President Donald Trump for the country to become less reliant on pharmaceutical imports from overseas countries. A main way to accomplish this is via increased onshoring of drug manufacturing, and J&J has become just one of many pharma companies to redirect investment amid tariff-mediated pressure from the president. Roche outlaid a similar amount to J&J, planning $50bn worth of investment in the US. Eli Lilly and AstraZeneca have also committed to billion-dollar spending to bolster manufacturing in the US. J&J has plans beyond just the Holly Springs facility, saying it will share 'plans for advanced manufacturing facilities in the US, as well as the expansion of current US manufacturing' in the coming months. The drugmaker has already started constructing a facility in Wilson, around 85km east of Holly Springs, North Carolina. The site, which will manufacture biologics, was announced by J&J with a $2bn investment in October 2024. J&J's CEO Joaquin Duato said: 'J&J has more manufacturing facilities in the US than in any other country, and we continue to strengthen our presence here. 'With the recent signing of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, we continue to expand our investment in the US to lead the next era of healthcare innovation.' "J&J signs $2bn incumbency deal at CDMO Fujifilm's new hub " was originally created and published by Pharmaceutical Technology, a GlobalData owned brand. The information on this site has been included in good faith for general informational purposes only. It is not intended to amount to advice on which you should rely, and we give no representation, warranty or guarantee, whether express or implied as to its accuracy or completeness. You must obtain professional or specialist advice before taking, or refraining from, any action on the basis of the content on our site. Sign in to access your portfolio


Boston Globe
8 hours ago
- Boston Globe
Students face new cellphone restrictions in 17 states as school year begins
Both Democrats and Republicans have taken up the cause, reflecting a growing consensus that phones are bad for kids' mental health and take their focus away from learning, even as some researchers say the issue is less clear-cut. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up 'Anytime you have a bill that's passed in California and Florida, you know you're probably onto something that's pretty popular,' Georgia state Rep. Scott Hilton, a Republican, told a forum on cellphone use last week in Atlanta. Advertisement Phones are banned throughout the school day in 18 of the states and the District of Columbia, although Georgia and Florida impose such 'bell-to-bell' bans only from kindergarten through eighth grade. Another seven states ban them during class time, but not between classes or during lunch. Still others, particularly those with traditions of local school control, mandate only a cellphone policy, believing districts will take the hint and sharply restrict phone access. Advertisement Students see pros and cons For students, the rules add new school-day rituals, like putting phones in magnetic pouches or special lockers. Students have been locking up their phones during class at McNair High School in suburban Atlanta since last year. Audreanna Johnson, a junior, said 'most of them did not want to turn in their phones' at first, because students would use them to gossip, texting 'their other friends in other classes to see what's the tea and what's going on around the building.' That resentment is 'starting to ease down' now, she said. 'More students are willing to give up their phones and not get distracted.' But there are drawbacks — like not being able to listen to music when working independently in class. 'I'm kind of 50-50 on the situation because me, I use headphones to do my schoolwork. I listen to music to help focus,' she said. Some parents want constant contact In a survey of 125 Georgia school districts by Emory University researchers, parental resistance was cited as the top obstacle to regulating student use of social and digital media. Johnson's mother, Audrena Johnson, said she worries most about knowing her children are safe from violence at school. School messages about threats can be delayed and incomplete, she said, like when someone who wasn't a McNair student got into a fight on school property, which she learned about when her daughter texted her during the school day. 'My child having her phone is very important to me, because if something were to happen, I know instantly,' Johnson said. Many parents echo this — generally supporting restrictions but wanting a say in the policymaking and better communication, particularly about safety — and they have a real need to coordinate schedules with their children and to know about any problems their children may encounter, said Jason Allen, the national director of partnerships for the National Parents Union. Advertisement 'We just changed the cellphone policy, but aren't meeting the parents' needs in regards to safety and really training teachers to work with students on social emotional development,' Allen said. Research remains in an early stage Some researchers say it's not yet clear what types of social media may cause harm, and whether restrictions have benefits, but teachers 'love the policy,' according to Julie Gazmararian, a professor of public health at Emory University who does surveys and focus groups to research the effects of a phone ban in middle school grades in the Marietta school district near Atlanta. 'They could focus more on teaching,' Gazmararian said. 'There were just not the disruptions.' Another benefit: More positive interactions among students. 'They were saying that kids are talking to each other in the hallways and in the cafeteria,' she said. 'And in the classroom, there is a noticeably lower amount of discipline referrals.' Gazmararian is still compiling numbers on grades and discipline, and cautioned that her work may not be able to answer whether bullying has been reduced or mental health improved. Social media use clearly correlates with poor mental health, but research can't yet prove it causes it, according to Munmun De Choudhury, a Georgia Tech professor who studies this issue. 'We need to be able to quantify what types of social media use are causing harm, what types of social media use can be beneficial,' De Choudhury said. A few states reject rules Some state legislatures are bucking the momentum. Wyoming's Senate in January rejected requiring districts to create some kind of a cellphone policy after opponents argued that teachers and parents need to be responsible. Advertisement And in the Michigan House in July, a Republican-sponsored bill directing schools to ban phones bell-to-bell in grades K-8 and during high school instruction time was defeated in July after Democrats insisted on upholding local control. Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, among multiple governors who made restricting phones in schools a priority this year, is still calling for a bill to come to her desk. Associated Press writers Isabella Volmert in Lansing, Michigan, and Dylan Lovan in Louisville, Kentucky, contributed.


Chicago Tribune
13 hours ago
- Chicago Tribune
Forrest Claypool: Chicago leaders show no signs of changing their fiscal behavior
For years, city and state officials have marched Chicago toward a cliff. This budget season will determine if they have the will to finally pull back from the abyss. Leaders of three prominent Chicago civic organizations recently outlined principles in the Tribune that they hope will guide those officials as they tackle billions in budget deficits at the city, public schools and the CTA. Although sound, their admonitions seem almost quaint, reflecting a bygone era when elected officials exercised a modicum of responsibility for their constituents' futures. Some history, juxtaposed with paraphrasing of the civic leaders' recommendations, is illustrative:For decades, city mayors have used one-time revenues to present the illusion of balanced budgets. Both Mayor Richard M. Daley and his successor Rahm Emanuel used 'scoop and toss,' refinancing bonds with new 30-year debt and spending it to close annual deficits. A Tribune investigation called this practice, along with Daley's use of bonds to cover legal settlements, back pay and sundry expenses, 'equivalent to taking out a 30-year mortgage to buy a car and making your children — or grandchildren — pay it off, with interest.' Mayors Lori Lightfoot and Brandon Johnson used one-time COVID-19 relief dollars, among other short-term revenues, to balance budgets. Stealthy deficit spending has been the choice of mayors and city councils since at least the late decades of economic growth under Daley and Emanuel, financed in part by tax increment financing districts, Lightfoot and Johnson have raided these funds to balance budgets, shrinking job creation and future revenues. Further dampening growth, Lightfoot instituted automatic annual property tax increases and raised the gas tax. Johnson pushed through new taxes falling largely on businesses, making the city less competitive. He is seeking a new tax on each private sector job in the late! With Johnson's passive acquiescence, Gov. JB Pritzker imposed new pension sweeteners on the city Aug. 1, adding $60 million to 2027's pension tab and a whopping $750 million a year by 2055. It increases pension debt in the police and firefighters' funds by $11 billion, reducing funding levels to pay retirees from 25% to 18%, the worst ratio in the nation. As Yogi Berra would say, the governor's action was deja vu all over again. Pritzker signed similar pension sweeteners in 2021 and 2023, contributing to Chicago budget deficits. In contrast to Johnson, Lightfoot fought hard to block the unfunded mandate, but Pritzker and legislators beholden to powerful government unions ignored receives ideas for government cost efficiencies in the same way a vampire reacts to a gift of garlic. His only answer to budget challenges is a supplicating plea for more money from Chicago and Illinois taxpayers. Unlike the crushing pension debts imposed on Chicago by Springfield, this civic recommendation is within the control of local leaders. The CTA, for example, can match its bus and rail service to actual rider demand rather than running pre-pandemic schedules, pretending that despite the rise of remote work, 2019 ridership will return any minute. Chicago Public Schools, hemorrhaging students for years, can right-size its system by closing near-empty schools, giving students better opportunities and sending more dollars to classrooms. When combined with strategic neighborhood investments, guided by community leaders, these changes can both improve educational outcomes and help spur local renewal. Improving services also means putting customer needs first. The Chicago Park District, for example, should reconsider its obtuse plan to close 57 swimming pools by mid-August, the peak of the heat season amid a near-record heat wave. Chicago's civic leaders are right, but state and local officials show no signs of turning over a new leaf. Unless and until they do, expect more of the same — high unemployment, sky-high taxes, endemic violent crime and a declining quality of life. As the Tribune wrote nearly a half century ago, at a time of a similar existential crisis in 1981 Chicago, 'cities stricken in this way become irrelevant. Business moves away. So do the best young people. The population ages. The city becomes a backwater.' Chicago rose like a phoenix from that historic nadir because strong and effective leaders made difficult decisions. It's long past time for today's leaders to start doing the same. Forrest Claypool is author of 'The Daley Show: Inside the Transformative Reign of Chicago's Richard M. Daley.' He served twice as Daley's chief of staff and was CEO of Chicago Public Schools from 2015 to 2017.