
Malaysian sports minister wants football clubs to be run better so investment will flow in
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Youth and Sports Minister Hannah Yeoh said the failure of some domestic clubs to manage fundamental responsibilities, such as paying salaries, has probably undermined efforts to attract and retain sponsors to support Malaysia's football development, state news agency Bernama reported.
'Football has a large audience, which is why I believe that to convince sponsors, all they want to see is how a club is run, how they pay salaries or look after the welfare of players,' Yeoh was quoted as saying.
'I urge that those who are not capable should not touch it – let others take over. Sometimes, there are those who cannot manage but still want to hold on to power, preventing others from stepping in.'
Hannah Yeoh says there are managers 'who cannot manage but still want to hold on to power'. Photo: Handout
Malaysian football has suffered financial hardships in recent years, leading to some clubs being penalised, relegated or withdrawing from the league. The Professional Footballers Association of Malaysia has said many professional clubs struggle to pay salaries on time.
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AllAfrica
13 hours ago
- AllAfrica
Malaysia's bow to Moscow looking like a Faustian pact
Two weeks ago, Malaysian King Sultan Ibrahim Iskander embarked on his maiden trip to Russia at President Vladimir Putin's invitation, marking the first such visit by a sitting monarch ever since Malaysia formally established diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union in April 1967. His six-day exploratory tour of Moscow and Kazan came just three months after Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim had visited the Russian capital to drum up support for Malaysia's BRICS accession bid, strengthen people-to-people cooperation, boost direct air connectivity and attract greater foreign direct investment (FDI) from the Kremlin. Kuala Lumpur currently chairs the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) bloc with which dialogue partner Russia has, in recent years, sought to bolster both commercial as well as cross-cultural engagement given its declining influence across Central Asia and the South Caucasus. If anything, the Russian elite considers Southeast Asia an extension of Moscow's 'near abroad' or 'backyard.' The region's predominantly semi-authoritarian regimes feel a certain kinship with wartime Russia and, in particular, Putin, who they view as an anti-imperialist crusader trying to cut the collective West down to size. Yet for Anwar – a lifelong Islamist zealot garbed in reformist wares – the Hamas-led massacre on October 7, 2023, that left 1200 innocent Israeli civilians dead was a cue to reorient Malaysia towards Russia, China and BRICS writ large. Notwithstanding the roughly 1.3 million Russian speakers living in Israel as dual citizens and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's personal friendship with Putin, the Kremlin adopted an overtly pro-Palestine posture following Operation Al-Aqsa Flood to appease Muslim-majority states and give wind to his multipolarity push. As a guest of honour at the 2024 Eastern Economic Forum (EEF) in Vladivostok, Anwar used the platform to malign Western countries for their wilful blindness vis-à-vis the ongoing Gaza conflict while moving heaven and earth to rally the international community behind Ukraine. India's Minister of External Affairs S. Jaishankar cast similar aspersions on the EU's selective outrage and rank hypocrisy regarding the Russo-Ukrainian war when he argued how 'Europe's problems are the world's problems, but the world's problems are not Europe's problems' at the 17th GLOBSEC Forum in Bratislava, Slovakia. Russia, for its part, is more than happy to let this narrative of 'Western double standards' take root in the Global South, not least because it thrusts disaffected developing nations into the Greater Eurasian nexus. Beyond its unwillingness to denounce Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine or participate in Group of Seven (G7) sanctions against the Kremlin, Malaysia has allowed Moscow to obfuscate and stonewall its way out of accountability for the downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 (MH17) in mid-2014 that killed all 298 passengers on board. Having been involved in frontline Malaysian politics for nearly four decades, it is no secret that Anwar has the king's ear and likely convinced him to pay an official courtesy call on Putin earlier this month. What remains unclear, however, is the horse trading that went on behind the scenes and, more importantly, the concessions Malaysia's most influential figure likely made during his 'dream' in-person meeting with the Russian autocrat. Although Anwar continues to eat, breathe and sleep the Palestinian cause as a means of deflecting attention away from his own domestic failings and growing legitimacy crisis, the embattled 78-year-old appears equally preoccupied with extracting whatever political mileage he can from Malaysia's ever-closer alignment with BRICS. The fact that neighboring Indonesia expeditiously joined the multilateral organization, seen by many as an emerging anti-US and Western bulwark in global affairs, as something of a wild card on January 1, 2025, suggests another ASEAN state – three of which have already been accorded 'partner' status – may well be the next in line. Malaysia, in line with Anwar's intense lobbying efforts, fancies itself a frontrunner for full-fledged BRICS membership. Over the last 12 months alone, the Malaysian leader visited China and India to secure the two Asian giants' blessings for his nation's BRICS candidacy while also attending the group's latest summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Meanwhile and for the sake of ensuring Malaysia is on the best possible terms with most, if not all, existing BRICS members and participants. In that direction Anwar backed Iran's right to self-defense when its nuclear facilities and main metropolises were bombed by Israel in early June, endorsed South Africa's International Court of Justice (ICJ) genocide case against the Jewish state and has shied away from criticizing the UAE for its outsized role in foisting the world's worst humanitarian crises upon both Sudan and Yemen. That said, and despite creating the illusion of a highly democratized, consensus-based admission procedure, Russia does have the final say on welcoming new entrants into the BRICS fold. It is worth recalling that the landmark enlargement wave at the start of 2024 after a nearly 14-year hiatus occurred during the Kremlin's rotating presidency whereas the concept of 'BRICS+' was agreed upon at the coalition's 16th annual forum in Kazan. Mindful of how significant a foreign affairs win Malaysia's fast-track entry into the non-Western alliance would be for its increasingly unpopular prime minister, Putin will doubtless put forward steep demands to sign off on its full-fledged BRICS induction – chief among which is burying the MH17 affair once and for all. This is precisely what he might have been angling for by hosting the Malaysian king who can, with a stroke of a pen, issue a royal pardon that would effectively absolve the Kremlin of any wrongdoing and neuter recent unfavorable rulings brought forth by International Civilian Aviation Organisation (ICAO) as well as the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). In light of Azerbaijan Airlines (AZAL) 8243 plane crash en route to Grozny, Russia, late last year at the hands of Russian military forces and the subsequent Russo-Azeri diplomatic fallout over Putin showing no remorse for the 38 casualties or their families, Moscow can ill-afford to have two almost identical open wounds fester simultaneously. As such and owing to the lawsuit Baku has filed against Russia, there is a real sense of urgency on the latter's part to at least wish away the MH17 controversy and along with it any related public relations damage or legal obligation to compensate the victims' immediate relatives. Should Kuala Lumpur work hand in glove with Moscow to sweep this incident away by royal decree or otherwise, Europe will have no choice but to treat the Malaysian government as a hostile entity for practically condoning the murder of 196 Dutch nationals. Whereas China and India have been justifiably singled out for keeping Russia's economy afloat via their record consumption of heavily discounted Russian oil, the West must not lose sight of middle powers' skullduggery when it comes to replenishing the Kremlin's war chest. After all, wealthy Russians are not transiting through Beijing or New Delhi en route to Europe, nor are they snapping up luxury properties and stashing away their ill-gotten gains in Mumbai or Shanghai. Rather, the likes of Thailand, Turkey, the UAE and Kazakhstan bear some degree of culpability for sheltering Putin's subjects and insulating them from feeling the squeeze of unprecedented Western sanctions. As far as Malaysia is concerned, the EU does have a nuclear option at its disposal to strong-arm the country's Russophile upper echelons into reversing course. It would make eminently good sense for Brussels to issue Malaysia the same de facto 'with us or against us' ultimatum that Tbilisi found itself on the receiving end of over democratic backsliding and the ruling Georgian Dream party's borderline fetish for Kremlin-inspired governance. Much like Georgia, Malaysia is an Annex II state whose citizens enjoy short-term visa-free access to the Schengen Area and are bound to rise up against their Kremlin-friendly government if this privilege is yanked by the EU. Likewise, the UK can threaten to reimpose entry requirements on Malaysians – many of whom are enrolled in full-time education at British universities due to the 'Commonwealth' connection and will not want their visiting parents to face additional red tape. Unless smaller, albeit equally rogue and malevolent actors relative to China or India are made an example of, there is no silver bullet or panacea for achieving lasting peace in Ukraine. By giving Malaysia a pass for flaunting its camaraderie with Putin's Russia and globally-designated terrorist organizations such as Hamas, the West risks pushing the Southeast Asian nation and other like-minded Global South 'fence-sitters' further into emerging anti-Western blocs.


AllAfrica
2 days ago
- AllAfrica
A quiet path to peace in the South China Sea
For more than two decades, the South China Sea has been the focal point of competing claims, maritime frictions and delicate diplomacy. What was once envisioned as a stabilizing framework—the Code of Conduct (CoC)—has itself become a symbol of ASEAN's struggle to balance sovereignty with pragmatism. From the time ASEAN and China adopted the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in 2002, negotiators worked on multiple drafts of a binding code, only to spend 23 years distilling them into a single text. The question today is no longer whether a draft exists, but whether its contents can meaningfully prevent clashes at sea and mitigate boiling territorial disputes. The unresolved sticking point remains the legally binding nature of the CoC. If the document ends up as a political declaration, it will be vulnerable to selective compliance and easy to disregard when convenient. A binding code, by contrast, would oblige all signatories to abide by clearly defined rules, creating predictability in a contested maritime domain. The distinction may appear technical, but its consequences are profound. Without enforceability, the CoC risks becoming yet another diplomatic gesture, attractive on paper but hollow in practice. Compounding the issue is the scope of the CoC. Will it apply narrowly to disputed features like reefs and shoals, or will it cover the vast maritime domain within China's 'nine-dash line' claim? For ASEAN claimant states such as Vietnam, the Philippines and Malaysia, this is no academic matter—it is the difference between protecting sovereign rights or conceding them to great-power bargaining. Another source of tension lies in freedom of navigation operations (FONOPS). For Washington, the principle is clear: no excessive maritime claims should impede global commerce or military passage. Yet for Beijing, US FONOPS are intrusive, deliberately provocative maneuvers that challenge its authority in waters it considers its own. Between these poles, ASEAN states find themselves caught in a dilemma. They need FONOPS to safeguard open sea lanes vital for trade, but they also fear being drawn into the spirals of confrontation between Washington and Beijing. Here lies the essence of ASEAN's quandary: ensuring that global rules of navigation remain intact without allowing external powers to militarize its backyard. Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has rightly urged that ASEAN must pursue what he calls a 'quiet order'—diplomacy that is quiescent, not noisy; discreet, not theatrical. In the South China Sea, loud diplomacy often escalates tensions rather than defuses them. Statements that seek to score political points, or military maneuvers broadcast for maximum publicity, tend to harden positions rather than soften them. That said, quiescent diplomacy does not mean passivity. It is an active strategy of restraint, dialogue, and behind-the-scenes problem-solving. It allows for necessary activities—patrols, exercises, even FONOPS—to proceed without becoming political spectacles. It also gives room for China and the United States to engage each other without turning ASEAN waters into stages for their rivalry. Australia and Japan, both increasingly active in regional security, would do well to adopt this approach. Their interests in open seas and stable trade are legitimate. But by keeping their activities low-key and non-confrontational, they can reassure ASEAN states that their presence is supportive rather than escalatory. Traditionally, military exercises at sea have been cast in the language of deterrence. Yet deterrence can easily slide into provocation, especially when it takes place near disputed waters. ASEAN must therefore find ways to reframe these exercises so that they contribute to security without heightening tensions. Indonesia offers an instructive model. Its naval exercises often incorporate humanitarian dimensions—disaster relief simulations, search and rescue drills and medical evacuation scenarios. These activities are not only less confrontational but also deeply relevant in a region prone to typhoons, earthquakes, and tsunamis. A naval fleet preparing to save lives, rather than just project power, demonstrates tangible value to the public and fosters habits of cooperation even among rival navies. If ASEAN could institutionalize such humanitarian exercises, it would transform the narrative of naval presence. Exercises would still hone skills and display readiness, but they would also build trust and confidence across divides. Humanitarian drills provide a rare platform for Chinese, American, and ASEAN naval personnel to interact in non-hostile settings—a confidence-building measure often missing in the security domain. The South China Sea is more than a theater of rivalry. It is the artery through which one-third of global trade flows. Energy supplies from the Middle East to Northeast Asia pass through its waters, as do critical components in the global supply chain. For ASEAN, the stakes are existential. Stability in the South China Sea underpins not just sovereignty but economic survival. This makes ASEAN centrality not an abstract diplomatic slogan but a structural necessity. Without ASEAN as a convener, the South China Sea risks becoming a playground for external powers. ASEAN's role must be to insist on inclusive, rule-based management of disputes while ensuring its member states do not become pawns in a wider geopolitical contest. The challenge now is to convert these principles into practice. A binding Code of Conduct is the first step, but it must be complemented by habits of quiet diplomacy and humanitarian cooperation. All sides—including the US, China, Australia and Japan—must recognize that loud, combative postures are counterproductive. Quiet diplomacy does not erase differences, but it prevents those differences from erupting into clashes. The tragedy of the South China Sea is that a miscalculation—an accidental collision, an overzealous response—could spiral into a wider, devastating conflict. The antidote is not megaphone diplomacy but patient, discreet engagement. As Anwar has argued, the best order for ASEAN is one that is calm, quiet and unassuming. Behind the quietness lies strength: the ability to channel disputes into dialogue, to manage competition without catastrophe, and to build resilience through cooperation. Avoiding more clashes in the South China Sea, like those between China and the Philippines, is not a matter of silencing legitimate concerns but of addressing them with composure. A legally binding Code of Conduct, paired with discreet diplomacy and humanitarian naval cooperation, offers ASEAN and its partners the best chance of preserving stability. The world must recognize that the South China Sea is not simply contested territory; it is a shared lifeline. Protecting it requires not bravado but balance through quiet strength. In the end, it is the art of silence—disciplined, deliberate and purposeful—that may prove to be ASEAN's most powerful tool in ensuring peace on the open seas. Phar Kim Beng is professor of ASEAN studies at the International Islamic University of Malaysia and director of the Institute of Internationalization and ASEAN Studies (IINTAS).


RTHK
07-08-2025
- RTHK
Asean to monitor Thai-Cambodian ceasefire
Asean to monitor Thai-Cambodian ceasefire Cambodian Defence Minister Tea Seiha, Malaysian Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail and Thai Deputy Defence Minister Nattaphon Narkphanit in Kuala Lumpur. Photo: Reuters Cambodia and Thailand's top defence officials agreed on Thursday to allow observers from the Asean regional bloc to inspect disputed border areas and help ensure hostilities do not resume following a violent five-day conflict that ended in a ceasefire late in July. The Southeast Asian neighbours saw the worst fighting in over a decade in July, including exchanges of artillery fire and jet fighter bombing runs that claimed at least 43 lives and displaced more than 300,000 people on both sides of the border. Fighting continued despite diplomatic interventions from China and Malaysia, chair of the regional bloc Asean, both calling for restraint. Cambodian Defence Minister Tea Seiha and Thailand's acting defence minister Nattaphon Narkphanit met at Malaysia's Armed Forces headquarters in Kuala Lumpur on Thursday to thrash out the terms of a permanent cessation of hostilities. "There will be an observation team of Asean military attaches based in Thailand and Cambodia, led by Malaysia," Nattaphon said after the meeting, adding that foreign inspectors based in either country would not cross the border. "Thailand and Cambodia are neighbours with a shared border that can move away from each other ... a resolution will allow our people to return to peaceful lives," he said. Thailand and Cambodia said in a joint statement that they would hold more talks in two weeks and then again in a month. The peace conditions were formulated during three days of talks between senior officials in Kuala Lumpur and finalised on the fourth day in the presence of observers from China and the United States. "Both sides agreed on the terms of implementation of the ceasefire and improving communication between the two armies," Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet said on social media. Thailand and Cambodia have quarrelled for decades over undemarcated parts of their 817-kilometre land border, which was first mapped by France in 1907 when the latter was its colony. (Reuters)