Kia offers a killer lease deal on EV6 GT with up to $20,000 in rebates
Kia's sleek EV6 comes in a few different flavors, but the performance-focused EV6 GT is arguably the most intriguing to enthusiasts. Now, with serious manufacturer backed rebates, you can save up to $20,000 on remaining 2024 model year EV6 GTs. The offer almost entirely offsets the $21,000 delta between the base model and the range-topping GT, meaning now's the time if you're looking to score an EV6 GT on the (relative) cheap.
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As originally reported by CarsDirect,a new dealer bulletin indicates savings of up to $20,000 when leasing a 2024 Kia EV6 GT. The largest savings is only available when you select a 24-month lease, and mileage restrictions aren't mentioned, but we're thinking they're low. For what it's worth, Kia's lowest mileage lease is 10,000 miles per year. Thankfully, you still have options outside the restrictive two-year term, as those who opt to lease for 36 months will still enjoy $18,500 off. This isn't the first time we've seen substantial savings on Kia's flagship performance EV6, either. Back in February, when 2025 model year cars were first beginning to hit dealer lots, Kia offered a similar $19,050 lease cash offer.
What's most surprising is that the Korean automaker is also running competitive lease cash promotions for the current model year EV6 GT. Customers can enjoy $12,500 in lease cash when they choose a 24-month lease. Those opting for more traditional 36-month terms can get $10,000 off, which is still a pretty decent chunk of change on a car that costs just a couple grand over $60,000. Notably, the 2025 model gets a few tweaks that might make it more enticing, despite the diminished savings. For one, it makes up to 641 horsepower in Launch Mode, up 65 ponies from the 2024 model.Need a refresher on the Kia EV6 GT? It's based on the same platform that underpins the enthusiast's EV of choice, the Hyundai Ioniq 5N, and the 2024 model makes 576 horsepower and 545 pound-feet of torque. All-wheel drive comes standard, contributing to the car's lightning-quick performance figures. Instrumented testing over at Road and Track revealed that zero to 60 mph takes just 3.2 seconds. The EV6 GT completed the quarter mile in 11.4 seconds at 120 mph, which isn't bad for a car that weighs over 4,800 pounds. The EPA claims the car will get 218 miles of range on a full charge.
As of this writing, there are 28 2024 Kia EV6 GT examples sitting on lots in the US, according to Autotrader. We reckon there's a few more than that floating around, but we wouldn't say there's a surplus. As long as you can overcome the somewhat middling range, the 2024 Kia EV6 GT is an excellent choice for enthusiasts looking to go electric. The value is even better when you consider the $20,000 on the hood. Besides, if you don't like it, you give it back in two years. Talk about a no-brainer.
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Yahoo
4 hours ago
- Yahoo
South Korea's new president has a Trump-shaped crisis to avert
South Korea's new president, Lee Jae-myung, has secured a storming victory, but his honeymoon will barely last the day. The former opposition leader is not getting to enjoy the two-month transition period usually afforded to new leaders, so they can build their team and nail down their vision for the country. Instead he is entering office immediately, to fill the hole left by the impeachment of the former president, Yoon Suk Yeol, who last December tried and failed to bring the country under martial law. In electing Lee, with almost 50% of the vote , South Koreans have vehemently rejected the military dictatorship that was almost forced upon them. Lee campaigned on the promise that he would strengthen South Korea's democracy and unite the country, after a divisive and tumultuous six months. But that will have to wait. First, he has a Donald Trump shaped crisis to avert. In the coming months, Trump has the power to destabilise South Korea's economy, its security, and its volatile relationship with North Korea. South Koreans were dismayed when Trump slapped 25% tariffs on all Korean imports in April, after already hitting the country with aggressive tariffs on its core industries – steel and cars. They had assumed that being longstanding military allies from the days of the Korean War, and having a free-trade agreement with the US, would spare them. If these tariffs take effect "they could trigger an economic crisis", a seasoned advisor to Lee's Democratic Party, Moon Chung-in, said. Before Trump's announcements, South Korea's economy was already slowing down. The martial law chaos constricted it further. Then, in the first quarter of this year, it contracted. Fixing this has been voters' number one demand, even above fixing their beleaguered democracy. But without a president, talks with Trump have been on hold. They cannot be put off any longer. And there is much more than South Korea's economy at stake in these negotiations. The US currently guarantees South Korea's security, by promising to come to its defence with both conventional and nuclear weapons, were it to be attacked by its nuclear-armed neighbour, North Korea. As part of this deal there are 28,500 US troops stationed in the country. Yet Trump has made clear he does not plan to differentiate between trade and security when negotiating with South Korea, signalling that Seoul is not pulling its weight in either area. In a post on his Truth Social platform in April, Trump said that during initial tariff talks with South Korea he had "discussed payment for the big time military protection we provide", calling it "beautiful and efficient one-stop shopping". This approach makes Seoul uniquely vulnerable. Evans Revere, a former senior US diplomat based in Seoul, fears a crisis is coming. "For the first time in our lifetime we have a US president who does not feel a moral and strategic obligation towards Korea". In his first term as president, Trump questioned the value of having US forces stationed in Korea and threatened to withdraw them unless Seoul paid more to have them. It seems likely he will demand more money this time around. Seoul may not want to pay more, but it can afford to. A bigger problem is that Trump's calculations, and that of his defence department, seem to have changed. This is no longer just about the money. Washington's top priority now in Asia is not just stopping North Korea attacking the South, it is also to contain China's military ambitions in the region and against Taiwan. Last year, a now senior US defence official, Elbridge Colby, said that South Korea was going to have to take "overwhelming responsibility for its own self-defence against North Korea", so the US could be ready to fight China. One option is that the troops stationed here would switch their focus to constraining China. Another, touted by a couple of US defence officials last month, is that thousands of soldiers would be removed from the peninsula altogether and redeployed, and that Seoul's military would also have to play a role in deterring Beijing. Not only could this put South Korea in a dangerous military predicament, but it would also create a diplomatically difficult one. President Lee, who historically has been sceptical of Korea's alliance with the US, wants to use his presidency to improve relations with China, South Korea's powerful neighbour and trading partner. He has stated several times that South Korea should stay out of a conflict between China and Taiwan. "We must keep our distance from a China-Taiwan contingency. We can get along with both", he said during a televised debate last month. Martial law fractured South Korea. Can this election heal the nation? North and South Korea are in an underground war - Kim Jong Un might now be winning The political advisor Mr Moon, who once served as national security advisor, reiterated Lee's concerns. "We are worried about America abandoning us, but at the same time we are worried about being entrapped in American strategy to contain and encircle China", he said. "If the US threatens us, we can let [the forces] go", he said. For Mr Revere, the former US diplomat, this combination of Lee, Trump and China threatens to create "the perfect storm". "The two leaders may find themselves on very different pages and that could be a recipe for a problematic relationship. If this plays out, it would undermine peace and stability in North East Asia". In Pyongyang, Kim Jong Un will no doubt be watching closely, keen to exploit the shifting ground. His nuclear weapons programme is more dangerous than ever, and nothing or no-one has been able to convince him to wind it down - including Donald Trump who, during his first term, was the first US president to ever meet a North Korean leader. Since returning to office Trump has indicated he would like to resume talks with Kim, which ended without agreement in 2019. In Seoul, there is real concern that this time the pair could strike a deal that is very bad for South Korea. The fear is that Trump would take an "America first" approach, and ask Kim to stop producing his intercontinental ballistic missiles that threaten the US mainland, without addressing the multiple short-range nuclear weapons pointed at Seoul. And in return, Kim could demand a high price. Kim has far more leverage than he did in 2019. He has more nuclear warheads, his weapons are more advanced, and the sanctions that were supposed to put pressure on his regime have all but collapsed, thanks largely to Vladimir Putin. The Russian leader is providing Kim with economic and military support in return for North Korea's help fighting the war in Ukraine. This therefore gives Kim the cover to make more audacious requests of the US. He could ask Trump to accept North Korea as a nuclear weapons state, and agree to a deal that would reduce Pyongyang's weapons count rather than get rid of them altogether. Another of his requests could likely be for the US to remove some the security it provides South Korea, including the troops. "North Korea is in the driver's seat now. The only curveball is how much risk President Trump will take", said Sydney Seiler, who was involved in the 2019 negotiations on the US side. "The idea there might be some sort of troop withdrawal [included in a deal] is really not that far-fetched". Mr Seiler stressed that the US would "not leave South Korea in the dust," but advised South Korea's new president to "establish a relationship with Trump early on", and be clear they expect to be part of any process, if talks materialise. The new president must move quickly on all fronts, added Mr Revere, arguing that Lee's first homework assignment should be to come up with a list of 10 reasons why South Korea is an indispensable partner and why American dollars are being well spent; reasons that can convince a sceptical and transactional Trump. One Ace card South Korea is hoping to play is its shipbuilding prowess. It builds more vessels than any other country bar China, which is now the world's dominant ship builder and home to the largest naval fleet. This is a frightening prospect for the US whose own industry and navy are in decline. Last month I visited South Korea's flagship shipyard in Ulsan on the south coast - the largest in the world – where Hyundai Heavy Industries builds 40-50 new ships a year, including naval destroyers. Sturdy cranes slotted together sheets of metal, creating vessels the size of small villages. Seoul is hoping it can use this expertise to build, repair and maintain warships for the US, and in the process convince Washington it is a valuable partner. "US shipbuilding difficulties are affecting their national security", said Jeong Woo Maan, head of strategy for Hyundai's naval and ship unit. "This is one of the strongest cards we have to negotiate with". In his campaign for president, Lee Jae-myung declared he did not want to rush into any agreements with Trump. Now in office, he could quickly find himself without this luxury. Lee Jae-myung: How political chaos forged South Korea's new president South Korean opposition wins presidency after months of political chaos
Yahoo
9 hours ago
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Female Nude Spa in Washington Can't Bar Transgender Clients With Male Genitalia, Federal Court Rules
A female nude spa in Washington state cannot bar preoperative transgender women, a federal court ruled last week, rejecting the claim that forcing the business to serve customers with male genitalia violated its First Amendment rights. In 2020, Haven Wilvich, who identifies as a "nonbinary trans woman," filed a complaint with the Washington State Human Rights Commission (WSHRC) after allegedly being turned away from Olympus Spa in Lynnwood, Washington, for having a penis. Olympus, which has another location in Tacoma, is a traditional Korean spa that offers full-body scrubs and massages, and requires nudity in its pool area, which is why it caters to a single-sex clientele. (The spa also accepts postoperative transgender women.) The WSHRC, however, said the business's policy ran afoul of the Washington State Law Against Discrimination, otherwise known as WLAD, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of "race, creed, color, national origin, citizenship or immigration status, sex, honorably discharged veteran or military status, sexual orientation, or the presence of any sensory, mental, or physical disability." Sexual orientation, under state law, is defined to mean "heterosexuality, homosexuality, bisexuality, and gender expression or identity." After entering into a settlement with the WSHRC in October 2021, Olympus Spa sued, alleging the state's enforcement against it violated its rights to free speech, freedom of religion, and freedom of association. But none of those were applicable to this case, ruled the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit in May. "We are not unmindful of the concerns and beliefs raised by the Spa," wrote Judge M. Margaret McKeown for the 2–1 majority. "Indeed, the Spa may have other avenues to challenge the enforcement action. But whatever recourse it may have, that relief cannot come from the First Amendment." The spa said the state had violated its free speech rights when the WSHRC forced it to change its policy on its website; the 9th Circuit noted that "compelled changes in conduct—which might incidentally compel changes in speech—are not reviewed as content-based speech restrictions." In other words, the government forcing a store to remove a "whites only" sign, for example, would not be a First Amendment violation, as the speech restriction would be a natural consequence of complying with the law. The spa further said the state had infringed on its freedom of religion by forcing the owners to violate their Christian beliefs around modesty, allowing clients with male genitalia to comingle with naked female clients, who can be as young as 13 years old. "Though we recognize that the Spa's desire to perform acts that contravene WLAD's mandate is motivated in part by religious belief," McKeown said, "the HRC's action under WLAD does not prohibit the Spa from expressing its religious beliefs." And the spa's freedom of association objection, the 9th Circuit said, failed to pass legal muster because the business is neither an intimate nor an expressive association. "That right protects both 'intimate association,' that is, the 'choices to enter into and maintain certain intimate human relationships,' and 'expressive association,' which is 'a right to associate for the purpose of engaging in those activities protected by the First Amendment—speech, assembly, petition for the redress of grievances, and the exercise of religion,'" wrote McKeown. "Business enterprises serving the general public typically lack" the qualities of an intimate association, she noted, which is why they are usually subject to antidiscrimination laws. And to classify a nude spa as an "expressive association," she added, "would stretch the freedom of association beyond all existing bounds." At the core of the decision is Washington state's definition of sexual orientation. "Washington chose an expansive definition" of that term, the 9th Circuit said. "The Spa simply did not challenge the statute itself"—opting instead for its First Amendment argument—"and it is not our role to rewrite the statute." That would have to come from the Legislature. The decision "seems correct to me under current law," says Eugene Volokh, an expert on First Amendment issues and formerly a professor of law at UCLA. Masterpiece Cakeshop, Ltd. v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission (2018)—the Supreme Court decision that ruled in favor of a cake baker who declined to make a wedding cake for a same-sex couple—would not apply here, Volokh notes, as that ruling was narrowly based on the Colorado Civil Rights Commission's explicit hostility toward the baker's religious views. "There was nothing like that in this case," he says, "nor was there evidence (which the Masterpiece Cakeshop majority also pointed to) that religious objectors were being treated worse than people with very similar secular objections." That will likely dissatisfy many people, however, who do not want to see a private establishment legally obligated to place naked biological men among biological women—a requirement that would upend the sex-segregated business model core to Korean spas. So how might Olympus Spa have proceeded in court with more success? "I expect there might be some constitutional right to privacy claim, either under the federal Constitution or the Washington Constitution," says Volokh. "But it's not clear whether that applies outside the context where the observation by the opposite sex is genuinely coerced, as it is in prisons. There is no federal constitutional right to be naked in a relatively public place." That leaves another avenue: changing the law itself. "WLAD's governing regulations permit the maintenance of certain 'gender-segregated facilities,' such as 'restrooms, locker rooms, dressing rooms,' and similar spaces, so long as the facility does not remove or otherwise take action against a person for reasons '[]related to their gender expression or gender identity,'" the 9th Circuit notes. An exception could be introduced, then, "allowing places of public accommodation to segregate facilities by gender however the places define it – including, if they wish, anatomical gender," says Volokh. In dissent, Judge Kenneth K. Lee did not confront the plaintiffs' First Amendment arguments. Rather, he disputed the notion that the text of WLAD prohibits discrimination against transgender people. It's a difficult argument to make, though, when considering that sexual orientation as defined under state law explicitly includes "gender expression [and] identity"—a reminder that the responsibility, and the blame, for these problems often lies with lawmakers. The post Female Nude Spa in Washington Can't Bar Transgender Clients With Male Genitalia, Federal Court Rules appeared first on
Yahoo
14 hours ago
- Yahoo
South Korea's liberal opposition candidate Lee is expected to win election, exit poll shows
SEOUL, South Korea (AP) — South Korea's liberal opposition candidate Lee Jae-myung was expected to win an early presidential election on Tuesday, a joint exit poll and ongoing vote counts suggested. The victory would cap months of political turmoil triggered by the stunning, but brief imposition of martial law by the now ousted conservative leader Yoon Suk Yeol. It was unclear whether Lee's election would cause any major, immediate shift in South Korea's foreign policy. Lee, previously accused by critics of tilting toward China and North Korea and away from the U.S. and Japan, has repeatedly stressed South Korea's alliance with the U.S. as the foundation of its foreign policy. The toughest external challenges awaiting a new president are U.S. President Donald Trump's tariff policy and North Korea's advancing nuclear program. But experts say whoever becomes president in South Korea can't do much to secure major progress in South Korea's favor on those issues. With nearly 57% of ballots counted as of early Wednesday, Lee, the Democratic Party candidate, led with 49% of votes, trailed by main conservative candidate Kim Moon Soo with 42.6%. The country's major broadcasters were analyzing that Lee's victory was a certainty. The exit poll by South Korea's three major TV stations — KBS, MBC and SBS — earlier showed Lee projected to obtain 51.7% of total votes cast, beating Kim with 39.3%. Preelection surveys suggested Lee appeared headed for an easy win, riding on deep public frustration over the conservatives in the wake of Yoon's martial law debacle that plunged South Korea into political turmoil. 'With the vote counting still underway, it's premature to say anything definitively, but if the results stand as they are now, I pay my respects to the great decision of our people,' Lee said outside his apartment in Incheon, just west of Seoul, as his supporters shouted his name. Hundreds of Lee supporters separately gathered outside the National Assembly in Seoul, waving Korean flags and singing. Nearly 80% of the country's 44.4 million eligible voters cast ballots, according to an interim tally. That's one of the highest turnouts for a presidential election in South Korea, reflecting public eagerness to move past the political turmoil. The winning candidate will immediately be sworn in as president Wednesday for a single, full term of five years without the typical two-month transition period. Pragmatic diplomacy Lee, who served as governor of Gyeonggi province and mayor of Seongnam city, has been a highly divisive figure in politics for years. As a former child laborer known for his inspirational rags-to-riches story, Lee came to fame through biting criticism of the country's conservative establishment and calls to build a more assertive South Korea in foreign policy. That rhetoric has given him an image as someone who can institute sweeping reforms and fix the country's deep-seated economic inequality and corruption. His critics view him as a dangerous populist who relies on political division and backpedals on promises too easily. On foreign policy, Lee has has steadfastly vowed to pursue pragmatic diplomacy. He has promised to solidify a trilateral Seoul-Washington-Tokyo partnership, a stance that isn't much different from the position held by South Korea's conservatives. He said he would pursue better ties with North Korea but acknowledged that it would be 'very difficult' to realize a summit with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un anytime soon. This signals Lee won't likely initiate any drastic steps meant to improve relations with North Korea. Experts say there aren't many diplomatic options for South Korea as it tries to address Trump's tariff hikes and calls for South Korea to pay more for the cost of the U.S. military presence, as well as North Korea's headlong pursuit of nuclear weapons. Experts say that has made both Lee and Kim avoid unveiling ambitious foreign policy goals. Paik Wooyeal, a professor at Seoul's Yonsei University, said foreign policy strategists for Lee understand there isn't much South Korea can do to bring about a denuclearization of North Korea. Paik said Lee also doesn't share the Korean nationalistic zeal held by ex-liberal President Moon Jae-in, who met Kim three times during his 2017-22 term. Impact of tariff hikes Lee's government still could become engaged in 'a little bit of friction' with the Trump administration, while Kim's government, which prioritizes relations with Washington, would likely offer more concessions to the U.S., said Chung Jin-young, a former dean of the Graduate School of Pan-Pacific International Studies at South Korea's Kyung Hee University. Chung predicted Lee won't be able to pursue overly drastic steps on foreign policy and security, given the country's foreign exchange and financial markets are vulnerable to such changes. Lee has preached patience over Trump's tariff policy, arguing it would be a mistake to rush negotiations in pursuit of an early agreement with Washington. Kim has said he would meet Trump as soon as possible. On Monday, South Korean trade officials held an emergency meeting to discuss a response to Trump's announcement that the U.S. will raise tariffs on steel and aluminum products to 50% beginning Wednesday. South Korea's central bank last week sharply lowered its 2025 growth outlook to 0.8%, citing the potential impact of Trump's tariff hikes and weak domestic demand worsened by the political turmoil of past months. Healing domestic divide The election serves as another defining moment in the country's resilient democracy, but observers worry a domestic divide worsened after Yoon's martial law stunt is far from over and could pose a big political burden on the new president. The past six months saw large crowds of people rallying in the streets to either denounce or support Yoon, while a leadership vacuum caused by Yoon's impeachment and ensuing formal dismissal rattled the country's high-level diplomatic activities and financial markets. Lee has promised to heal the national split, but his vow to thoroughly hold those involved in Yoon's martial law stunt accountable has sparked concerns that he would use investigations to launch political retaliations against his opponents. In a Facebook posting earlier Tuesday, Lee called for voters to 'deliver a stern and resolute judgement' against the conservatives over martial law. In a campaign speech Monday, Lee claimed that a win by Kim would mean the 'return of the rebellion forces, the destruction of democracy and the deprival of people's human rights.' Kim, a former labor minister under Yoon, said that a Lee win would allow him to wield excessive power. Lee 'is now trying to seize all power in South Korea,' Kim told one rally. Hyung-jin Kim And Kim Tong-hyung, The Associated Press
