
India releases names of Pak Army personnel, cops who attended terrorists' funeral
Hafiz Abdul Rauf, a Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) terrorist, led funeral prayers for three men killed in Indian strikes on a terror camp in Muridke, near Lahore. Civil officials, and members of the banned Jamaat-ud-Dawah (JuD), founded by Hafiz Saeed, were also present. Those killed, Qari Abdul Malik, Khalid, and Mudassir—were reportedly JuD members and worked as prayer leaders and caretakers at a mosque destroyed in the strike,Rauf is a specially designated global terrorist by the US Treasury.advertisementMoments after the funeral, a video showed Pakistan Army personnel carrying the coffins of terrorists, which were wrapped in the Pakistan flag, in Muridke. On May 8, India strongly condemned Pakistan for holding "state funerals" for terrorists, and sharply criticised Islamabad, suggesting that conferring "state funerals" on terrorists may have become a practice in Pakistan.Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri, at a press briefing, holding up a photograph showing uniformed Pakistani Army and police personnel praying behind the coffins of the slain terrorists, questioned what message this image conveys.Misri busted Pakistan's lies claiming civilians were killed in Indian strikes and said, "It's also odd that the funerals of civilians are carried out with coffins being draped in Pakistani flags and state honours being accorded".The precision strikes under Operation Sindoor were carried out in response to the Pahalgam terror attack that killed 26 people. Nine terror sites-- Sawai Nalla, Sarjal, Muridke, Kotli, Kotli Gulpur, Mehmoona Joya, Bhimber and Bahawalpur, were targeted.Each location-- four in Pakistan and five in POK-- were chosen carefully for strikes. The sites included Bahawalpur, the stronghold of terror outfit Jaish-e-Mohammed, and Muridke, the headquarters of Lashkar-e-Taiba.Tune InMust Watch
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Hans India
14 minutes ago
- Hans India
Tensions rising in Pakistan's Gilgit-Baltistan against Chinese dominance
Tensions are growing in Pakistan's Gilgit-Baltistan region between local communities and the increasingly dominant China-Pakistan trade apparatus, according to reports. Social media footage widely circulated showed Chinese nationals blocking a key road in protest, and within hours, Pakistani traders responded by staging a sit-in that effectively brought cross-border movement at the Sost town at the Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) immigration point to a standstill on July 31. According to a report in the online publication these developments are not isolated. They reflect a deepening discontent in Gilgit-Baltistan over what many local residents view as an exploitative trade relationship—one in which the economic benefits disproportionately favour Chinese interests while local traders are left to navigate a system they say is stacked against them. Gilgit-Baltistan's traders have been voicing concerns for years, but recent developments underscore just how acute those frustrations have become. Many in the region argue that the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) -- a project long hailed by Islamabad as a game-changer -- has offered little by way of tangible benefit to the local economy. Instead, GB residents say they are witnessing their lands used as corridors for foreign economic gain while their own businesses are suffocated by bureaucracy and an uneven playing field. A recurring complaint involves the inspection of Pakistani goods and vehicles by customs officials, while Chinese shipments often pass with minimal scrutiny. One Gilgit-Baltistan trader told a local media outlet that they were required to provide strict documentation and face exhaustive checks, while Chinese goods faced almost no scrutiny at all. Adding to this imbalance are concerns about labour. Chinese workers employed in infrastructure projects under CPEC are often flown in rather than hired from the local population, leaving many GB residents sidelined despite promises of job creation. According to the report, the Pak-China Traders Action Committee (PCTAC) has escalated its protest at the Sost Dry Port in Hunza since July 21, demanding an end to what it terms illegal taxation by federal agencies. The committee, comprising traders, hoteliers, transporters, and local businesses, has blocked the Karakoram Highway in Hunza and Nagar districts, disrupting trade with China. Tensions flared after the arrest of PCTAC leaders Abbas Mir, Ali Nazar, and Farman Ali Tajik on the night of July 20–21. They were released the next day amid pressure from the trading community. The dispute stems from federal authorities, including the FBR and Pakistan Customs, imposing income and sales taxes on Chinese imports via the Khunjerab Pass. Historically, traders from Gilgit-Baltistan were informally exempt from such levies, especially for small-scale and local-market trade. However, stricter enforcement in recent months, citing smuggling concerns, has angered traders. Despite its strategic importance, the region remains in a constitutional limbo, lacking full provincial status and often excluded from the mainstream political discourse. This marginalisation has made it easier for Islamabad to push forward large-scale economic projects—like CPEC—without robust local consultation. Critics argue that this approach reduces GB to a transit zone, valuable only for its geographic location rather than for its people. While Islamabad plays a quiet role, China's growing footprint in the region is increasingly visible—and increasingly contested. From the construction of roads and tunnels to the operation of customs facilities, Chinese companies and personnel are a familiar presence in GB towns like Sost and Hunza. Though some local residents acknowledge the improvements in connectivity and infrastructure, many also feel overwhelmed by what they see as a foreign economic occupation, the report added

The Wire
14 minutes ago
- The Wire
Modi's Three Sudarshan Chakras: From Mythic Precision to Military Confusion
New Delhi: The BJP-led government penchant – and the Indian military brass's support – for christening platforms, projects, formations and doctrines with Hindu mythological names intended to evoke grandeur and a continuing sense of epic valour, at times also tend to breed confusion. The latest such example is the repeated use of 'Sudarshan Chakra,' Lord Vishnu's celestial discus – meant to symbolise speed, precision, and the destruction of evil – which has blurred the line between an imported air-defence system and a planned indigenous blanket shield against aerial threats, slated for 2035. The first Sudarshan Chakra As we know, the 'Sudarshan Chakra' already refers to the five Russian S-400 'Triumf' air-defence systems India acquired in October 2018 for an estimated $5.43 billion. Three were commissioned from 2021 onwards, with the remaining two slated for delivery next year. This Sudarshan Chakra was actively deployed during Operation Sindoor across northern and western India as part of the air-defence grid, successfully intercepting incoming threats and reportedly downing five Pakistan Air Force fighters. along with a large military surveillance platform at ranges of around 300 km inside neighbouring enemy territory. Announcing this development on August 9, more than three months US President Donald Trump announced the ceasefire which 'paused' Operation Sindoor, Air Chief Marshal A. P. Singh described it as the longest recorded surface-to-air kill. Other officials praised the S-400 for living up to its 'Sudarshan Chakra' name, citing its unerring precision, formidable speed, and ability to strike multiple targets, much like Vishnu's divine discus, which, the legend goes, never missed and always returned unerringly to its master. After Operation Sindoor, the S-400 has, for many in government and the military, transcended mere technology to acquire the near-mythical aura of an ancient weapon reborn in the 21st century, enhanced with technical wizardry. It is celebrated not simply as a missile system but as an 'implacable shield,' evoking the divine armour that repelled evil and protected 'Bharat'. Now, take two Meanwhile, the latest 'Sudarshan Chakra' was announced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his Independence Day address as an indigenously developed, multi-layered security shield, slated for completion by 2035, to protect strategic, civilian, and religious sites nationwide. Drawing liberally from mythology, he added that this conceptual Sudarshan Chakra would not only counter terrorist attacks but also strike back at the perpetrators. Official sources later elaborated that the PM's Mission Sudarshan Chakra will integrate land-, sea-, and space-based defences, encompassing the S-400 Sudarshan Chakra, the ongoing Ballistic Missile Defence network, and the secretive Project Kusha, also known as the Extended Range Air Defence System (ERADS). The Defence Research and Development Organisation's (DRDO's) top secret Project Kusha, named after one of Lord Rama's twin sons, Kusha, echoes his mythological role as a guardian. The top-secret Kusha is being designed as a protective shield to intercept and destroy enemy aircraft, incoming cruise and potentially even ballistic missiles. The ambitious Sudarshan Chakra project, akin to Israel's and the US's multi-tiered 'Iron' and 'Golden Dome' space-to-ground defence grids, is also expected to integrate numerous other local air-defence assets, including the upgraded Akash Prime system, all of which performed efficiently during Op Sindoor. A cross-section of veterans and analysts said that this dual use of the 'Sudarshan Chakra' moniker not only creates a 'semantic muddle' but also blurs operational understanding, making it unclear whether one means the existing S-400 missile system or the proposed indigenous, broader air-defence network. 'The overlap confuses soldiers and the public alike,' said a senior Indian Air Force (IAF) veteran. It dilutes clarity between a deployed capability and an aspirational project expected to mature over the next decade, he said, declining to be named. Other military veterans, speaking anonymously, urged the defence establishment to adopt a 'disciplined nomenclature' regimen. One suggested officially distinguishing the two Sudarshan Chakra systems as the S-400 Sudarshan Chakra and the Operation Sudarshan Shield to avoid confusion. Actually, there are three The confusion, however, deepens: 'Sudarshan Chakra' is not only the name of a Russian missile system and a proposed indigenous air-defence network, but also the designation of the Indian Army's XXI Corps, headquartered at Bhopal. The youngest of the Army's three Strike Corps, that constitute its offensive punch into enemy territory, particularly along the western front against Pakistan, XXI corps embodies mobility and concentrated firepower – of armoured divisions, mechanised infantry and artillery. Yet, despite its formidable structure and mythic name, it has largely remained a deterrent formation, rehearsing operational plans rather than unleashing its full might—an ever-ready sword still sheathed in Sudarshan Chakra symbolism. Taking all this into account, the irony in naming a weapon system, the proposed anti-missile shield, and an Army corps 'Sudarshan Chakra' is unmistakable: a weapon once synonymous with divine precision now exists in triplicate across India's military lexicon. One Sudarshan Chakra is a tried and tested Russian air-defence system, another largely exists as PowerPoint slides on missile defence, and the third is an Army corps that has yet to see battle. In many ways, the saga of the three Sudarshan Chakras not only highlights India's reverence for Hindu mythology, but also the defence establishment's willingness to embrace politically-driven, muddled nomenclature. What mythologically symbolised clarity and precision has, in India's military, become an example of branding gone astray – spawning confusion through triplication, much like a typical government directive or a railway reservation slip in times gone by. Ultimately, it's also obvious that without disciplined nomenclature, even the most exalted symbols of India's mythic or actual past can lose their clarity, creating confusion where accuracy is most needed


Indian Express
14 minutes ago
- Indian Express
North Block is leaving the building, with files, stationery and nostalgia
In its 94-year existence, North Block has seen a lot. It was the seat of power of the colonial British government, the site of spontaneous celebrations when India became Independent in 1947, and, ever since, has been a witness to successive governments shaping policy for the nation. These days, however, the corridors of the building are nearly deserted, with sections roped off, and locks hanging on doors that till recently hid a flurry of activity. The building is in the process of being emptied as part of the government's plan to redevelop the Central Vista area – the stretch from India Gate to Rashtrapati Bhawan. North Block now is to be repurposed as a museum, with key ministries that have operated out of it since 1931 when its construction finished – including Union Ministries of Home Affairs and Finance, and the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) – to be moved to a set of 'Kartavya Bhawan' buildings down the road. However, the work of shifting a government can't be hurried up. And in this case is being coordinated by a ministry – Housing and Urban Affairs, which is also spearheading the Central Vista redevelopment. Other ministries have appointed a nodal officer each for the exercise, which began around a month ago. Under their watch, files are being sorted into marked boxes, computers are being packed, and office supplies are going into cardboard containers. Artwork, including many, many photographs of Mahatma Gandhi, is being bubble-wrapped. The packing is being done by office staff, aided by a team of workers hired for the job. Once packed, the boxes are carried by workers down the stairs to a side entrance, and loaded onto tempos and government cars. These then cover the short distance to the new address. An official working in North Block says the move has been fairly smooth so far, particularly when it comes to files, given that nearly all, save the sensitive ones, are now on the government's E-Office portal. Officials in the know say the DoPT has almost entirely moved out. Jitendra Singh, the Minister of State for Prime Ministers' Office, Science and Technology and Personnel, is expected to shift soon, sources said. The Home Ministry has been allotted Kartavya Bhawan 3, and Union Home Secretary Govind Mohan and the Intelligence Bureau were some of the first ones to shift. According to sources, the shifting of some offices to KB3, as the building is referred to, began before its formal inauguration by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on August 6. The Finance Ministry, however, is yet to begin shifting. An officer in the middle of shifting says: 'I'm soaking in the last few days at this building. Many of my former colleagues who have worked here have been dropping by to see the offices one last time.' Like the South Block that stands across it, North Block, designed by British architect Herbert Baker in red sandstone, incorporating Indian features like jaali, chajja and chhattri, is as much a regal structure as a functional one, with plenty of light and ventilation. The new buildings, in comparison, look like any modern corporate office, with glass cabins for officers, open plan seating for most employees and access-control systems. Offices in the South Block, which houses the Prime Minister's Office and the Ministries of Defence and External Affairs, have not started moving out yet. Once both the buildings are emptied, they are to be restored and refurbished, before reopening as Yuge Yugeen National Museum. The government claims it will be the largest museum in the world. The 'charm' of North Block is what those who have worked here keep coming back to in conversations. G K Pillai, who spent seven years in North Block, first as Joint Secretary from 1996 to 2001 and then as Union Home Secretary from 2009 to 2011, recalls the sense of history that permeates the rooms. 'Stalwarts, including Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, worked here. Old-timers would tell us about important meetings that took place in the past,' Pillai, who is now retired, says. The former IAS officer adds that he personally believes that not all the ministries from North Block and South Block should have been shifted to the new quarters. 'Some of them could have stayed. The next generation of officers will lose that sense of history,' says Pillai. Durga Shanker Mishra, a 1984-batch IAS officer who retired as Uttar Pradesh Chief Secretary last year, recalls his time in a ground-floor North Block office as Director (Personnel) in the Home Ministry in 2002-2004. 'I have good memories of that office. Though I was a director in Home, I had been given a room on the Finance Ministry's side. It was a well-sized room.' However, Mishra says: 'As is the case with old buildings, there were challenges. It needed more maintenance over the years.' As Secretary, Housing and Urban Affairs, Mishra was, in fact, part of the deliberations when the Central Vista project was planned and started. He says the new Central Secretariat buildings will change the way the government works, in terms of efficiency and coordination. In fact, while senior officers – who along with ministers had large airy offices – are understandably nostalgic about the high-ceilinged large rooms that they are leaving behind, not all in the North Block will regret the change. A majority of its employees worked in cramped spaces, with partitions created within dingy rooms to accommodate more officials over the years. Mezzanine levels were also added to create space, with the temporary additions doubling the number of rooms in both North and South Blocks over the years. A section official says: 'We are looking forward to the new building. I've heard that the canteen is very nice.' But true to form, the open-plan layout of the new Secretariat also has its share of detractors. On August 5, the Central Secretariat Service Forum, which represents around 13,000 employees, wrote a letter to the Prime Minister's Office expressing concerns about 'the lack of privacy and confidentiality' in the new arrangement.