‘Take our capital back': Nearly 800 troops deployed by Donald Trump arrive at DC; 23 individuals arrested overnight
Around 800 National Guard members employed by US President Donald Trump began arriving in Washington, DC, on Tuesday as the new law enforcement presence in the nation's capital started to take shape.
City police and federal officials, signalling cooperation, took the initial steps to reduce crime in what Trump described, without substantiation, as a lawless city, reported AP.
This comes after Trump announced on Monday that he is placing the Washington, DC, police department under federal control and deploying the National Guard. "This is Liberation Day in DC, and we're going to take our capital back," Trump said at a White House press conference.
The administration indicated that National Guard members were expected to begin patrolling the streets Tuesday night, as per a White House official who spoke on condition of anonymity. The Army also said that no details have been released yet regarding the specific areas the troops would cover, an anonymous source was quoted as saying by AP.
The deployment resulted in 23 arrests overnight, as per White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt.
Charges included homicide, drunk driving, gun and drug offenses, and subway fare evasion, though she did not provide additional details.
Trump warned on Sunday that homeless individuals in the city would 'have to move out, IMMEDIATELY,' adding that they would be relocated 'far from the Capital.' Over 70 homeless encampments have been removed by the US park police over the past five months, Leavitt said, reported AP.
DC mayor Muriel Bowser vowed to cooperate with the federal officials assigned by Trump to oversee the city's law enforcement, while emphasizing that the police chief would continue to lead the department and its officers.
'How we got here or what we think about the circumstances, right now we have more police, and we want to make sure we use them,' she said.
Official data from the US Justice Department shows that violent crime in Washington DC is at a 30-year low, but Trump disputes the figures, alleging manipulation.
He also criticized a $3.1 billion renovation of the Federal Reserve headquarters, labeling it wasteful.
Bowser argues that the ultimate authority lies with Trump, leaving local officials little choice but to comply and manage the situation as best as they can. She noted that as long as Washington remained a federal enclave with limited autonomy under the DC Home Rule Act, it will be vulnerable to such interventions.
Trump is the first president to invoke Section 740 of the law to assume control of Washington's police for up to 30 days during emergencies.
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The Wire
14 minutes ago
- The Wire
Indian Army's Close-Quarter Battle Carbine Procurement Saga Poised to End with KSSL and Adani Deals
Rahul Bedi The process has underscored a key reality – for the MoD and the Indian Army, quick reaction weapons arrive at a glacial pace, if at all. Representative image of an Indian Army soldier with a weapon. Photo: PTI. New Delhi: It has been one of the longest procurement sagas in the Indian Army's history – nearly a quarter-century of tenders floated. scrapped, 'fast-track' acquisition contracts announced and abandoned, and intermediate or 'stopgap' fixes standing in for real solutions. And, finally last month it appeared that the Indian Army's close-quarter battle (CQB) carbine requirement of 425,318 units, pending since the late 1990s is likely to be met, to replace its legacy 9mm 1A1/2A1 sub-machine guns (SMGs) – local versions of the L2A3 Sterling machine gun – developed in England in the mid-1940s, and entering British Army service in 1953. For decades, these two SMG variants were licence-built for decades by the erstwhile Small Arms Factory at Kanpur, part of the erstwhile state-run Ordnance Factory Board, but their manufacture had ceased altogether on grounds of obsolescence by the early 2000s. Thereafter, the Indian Army had largely been operating without a CQB carbine, which operationally was critical to providing troops, much like its description suggests, with a compact, lightweight weapon for rapid, accurate fire in confined or urban environments, mountainous terrain and jungle environments. Since then, every attempt to replace the carbine has marched through the Ministry of Defence's (MoD's) familiar parade – tenders announced, trials held, everything voided, before sinking into the familiar swamp of bureaucratic futility with no weapon system. But industry sources now say that this cycle of ineptness had seemingly ended with the recent shortlisting of Kalyani Strategic Systems Limited and Adani Aerospace & Defence to supply 425,213 5.56×45 mm carbines to the Army in a potential Rs 2,800-crore deal that is expected to be imminently signed. According to the putative arrangement, KSSL, which had emerged as L1, or the lowest bidder, following trials, would supply the Army 60% or 255,190 CQB carbines of the overall tender from either its small arms unit at Jejuri or at Khed, near Pune. Additionally, Adani Defence, which was L2 or the second lowest bidder, is likely to be awarded the deal to provide the remaining 170,023 carbines from its facility at Gwalior, which it had acquired in 2020 from Punj Lloyd Raksha. Industry sources said that, in all likelihood, Adani Defence would match KSSL's L1 bid for the carbines in keeping with MoD standing operating procedures in selling them to the Army. The CQB carbine delivery timelines are expected to stretch over the next few years, with initial batches likely to be employed by Indian Army counter-insurgency units in Kashmir and the Northeast, where the absence of such a compact weapon small arms system has been most acutely felt. For soldiers used to presently lugging full-length assault rifles into tight alleyways or boarding helicopters with unwieldy weapons, the arrival of lightweight, rapid-firing CQB carbines will be more than an operational boost; it will finally usher in a vast operational change in counter-insurgency (COIN) operations. Meanwhile, KSSL will series produce the Joint Venture Protective Carbine (JVPC) engineered by the Defence Research and Development Organisation's (DRDO) Armament Research & Development Establishment (ARDE) in Pune, as part of a public-private partnership (PPP), under the MoD's atmanirbharta or self-reliance rubric. This carbine will also incorporate over 60% of content sourced indigenously. Weighing around three kg, the gas-operated JVPC features an ergonomic, ambidextrous design with a retractable stock and Picatinny rails for optics and accessories. Capable of firing over 700 rounds per minute to an effective range of 200-300m, it reportedly exhibits low recoil and is believed to demonstrate high reliability across extreme temperatures and in varied environments and incorporates a 120mm bayonet for hand-to-hand combat. Its service life is engineered for a service life of 15 years or 15,000 rounds, whichever comes first. Adani Defence, on the other hand, will produce the Israel Weapon Industries (IWI) Galil ACE CQB carbines-locally named 'Jeet', meaning 'victory'. It features a 368 mm long barrel, a weight of 3.2 kg, and a rate of fire between 650-750 rounds per minute to a 300-500 m range. Jeet incorporates a rotating bolt with a short-stroke gas piston, a full-length Picatinny rail for optics, a folding/telescopic stock, ambidextrous controls for quick handling, and compatibility with standard NATO magazines. The ACE CQB has also been deployed for extended periods by the Israel Defence Forces in its numerous COIN operations and other conflicts against Palestinians and many of its neighbours where firefights often occur in confined spaces. The two carbines were shortlisted after technical evaluations and field trials involving other domestic vendors, partnering with overseas small arms makers. These included Jindal Defence and Aerospace – associating with Brazil's Taurus Armas, BSS Material in New Delhi, linking up with Indo-Russian Rifles Private Limited and Bharat Electronics, which had tied up with Italy's Beretta. Over the years, the CQB carbine procurement process has been compelling and concerning, exposing both the Army's and MoD's procurement systems at their most ineffective, bogged down by delays, indecision, and missed opportunities. After acknowledging the operational shortcomings of the aging 9mm Sterling submachine gun in the late 1990s – particularly its limited range, stopping power, and accuracy – the Indian Army adopted a stopgap solution. It employed a shortened variant of the locally developed 5.56x45mm Indian Small Arms System (INSAS) assault rifle as part of its customary jugaad, or innovative fix, which only ended up highlighting its significant limitations and rendering it relatively ineffective for such specialised roles. Senior infantry officers said the INSAS rifle was not optimised for CQB scenarios, as its relatively longer barrel and overall dimensions made manoeuvring in confined spaces cumbersome. The absence of features like a folding stock or compact design further hindered its suitability for rapid movement and handling in close and restrained urban situations. Soldiers found it challenging to quickly reposition and engage enemy targets, simply due to the rifle's size and weight. But despite these obvious limitations, these shortened INSAS alternates remained in widespread use for years and continue even today. However, in 2002-3, the first global tender was floated for 44,618 5.56x45mm CQB carbines, with under-barrel grenade launcher compatibility. Several trials took place, involving major overseas small arms makers like the US's Colt, Italy's Beretta and IWI. But in 2007-2008, after extended trials at the Infantry School at Mhow, in Madhya Pradesh, in the Rajasthan desert, Punjab's plains and high altitude regions in Sikkim and Himachal, the contract was terminated due to the Indian Army's 'overreach' in determining the carbines specifications or Qualitative Requirements (QRs) about their add-ons, like thermal-designated laser sights. A follow-on RfP was issued in December 2010 for an equal number of weapons. Then again, in 2013, after a protracted three-year trial process, the carbine procurement was once again thwarted, not by performance issues, but over a minor safety feature. One of the shortlisted carbines included a small, screw-like safety component designed to render the sights "eye safe" during low-intensity engagements, thereby preventing potential retina damage. Yet, this feature was not specified in the original tender's technical requirements, and a three-member, senior Army committee failed in resolving the 'discrepancy', leading again to the contract's cancellation, despite escalating insurgent activities in Kashmir and increasing Army casualties in COIN encounters. Industry sources noted that this time round, the tender was scrapped solely because the "safety screw" had not been included in the original specifications, irrespective of the protection it offered. Subsequently, in March 2018 the MoD issued yet one more RfP – its third in a decade, for 93,895 CQB carbines this time, in which the United Arab Emirates Caracal International's CAR 816 carbine was shortlisted, seven months later for procurement via the MoD's Fast Track Procedure (FTP), having bested its rival F60 model fielded by Thales of Australia in trials. Under the FTP route, through which the CAR 816s were to be procured, the $110 million tender was to have been completed within the mandated 12-14 months or by August 2019. But 13 months later, in September 2020, the MoD opted to arbitrarily ditch the deal for undeclared reasons. 'Processing the carbine purchase via the FTP indicated the operational urgency of the buy, but that too was bafflingly blocked,' said a senior army officer associated with the deal. The entire endeavour was simply incomprehensible and mystifying, he added, declining to be named, as he was not authorised to speak to the media. Conversely, in the ensuing years, the ARDE developed the JVPC in collaboration with KSSL, and Adani Defence partnered successfully with IWI to produce the 'Jeet', ostensibly clinching the CQB carbine buy as things presently stand. But it also underscored the reality that for the MoD and the Indian Army, quick reaction weapons arrive at a glacial pace, if at all. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Advertisement
New Indian Express
14 minutes ago
- New Indian Express
Harvard and Trump administration are nearing settlement including a $500 million payment
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Indian Express
14 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Daily Briefing: Tariffs, talks and tightropes
Good morning, Let me take you back to 2004 for a moment. You're in the theatre, watching Shah Rukh Khan's Main Hoon Na, and just when you thought the movie was over, it cuts to another song and dance sequence. One by one, not just the cast but even the usually behind-the-scenes crew appear on screen, dancing to 'Ye Fizaein'. Three years later, Farah Khan would do it again with Om Shanti Om, asking crew members to walk down the red carpet. It's all a bit silly, but wildly entertaining. These end-credit sequences also serve a bigger purpose of interrogating the way films — and capitalism itself — are structured. Contributing writer Aamatullah Rajkotwala writes in the latest 'Fresh Take' that these end-credit scenes challenge the capitalistic tendency of 'commodity fetishism', when a product is valued more than the labour which produced it. Do we then dare call Farah Khan an accidental Marxist? On that note, let's get to today's edition. 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The issue, at the centre of a political firestorm, even reached the Meghalaya High Court, which formed a one-member panel to monitor coal mining in the state. Imagine the Indian government, the American CIA and the British MI5 working together. No, this isn't the plot of a Netflix thriller. In the late 1950s, the trio teamed up to carry out a clandestine operation to spy on the communists in Kerala. I leave you with this column by Paul McGarr, author and lecturer, that has fascinating details on the operation. That's all for today, folks! Until tomorrow, Sonal Gupta
