
PMQs review: The Afghan data scandal hits Westminster
If Westminster watchers were hoping to end the parliamentary session with a bang, PMQs was once again a massive anti-climax. Coming 24 hours after the jaw-dropping reports of the Afghan data breach and two-year super-injunction broke, it was always going to be one of those sparring matches marked by the disconnect between the news of the day and what the leader of the opposition chose to ask about. Kemi Badenoch, after all, was unlikely to hammer Keir Starmer with questions about a scandal which took place while she herself was in government.
Still, it is rarely a good sign when the headline revelation comes after the session itself. In the post-PMQs huddle, a No 10 spokesperson disclosed that while Badenoch only learned of the data breach on Monday, she had in fact been offered a security briefing in which she would have been informed of it back in March. Later, the Tory leader's own spokesperson confirmed that she had declined the invitation of the briefing, on the grounds that it was not marked as urgent. Awkward stuff when someone whose strategy every week at PMQs is to accuse her adversary of not being across the detail cannot be bothered to turn up and find things out for herself.
In a way, this unedifying update sums up how the weekly Badenoch-Starmer spectacles have felt this year. Badenoch frequently trips herself up by not being on top of the detail – choosing questions plucked from the tabloid front pages without checking their accuracy, attacking decisions made by the government she was part of, and appearing to have only recently discovered things that should have fallen well within her brief as a minister. If the job of opposition leader is meant to be an audition for that of prime minister, she is not doing herself any favours.
As for what actually happened in the chamber, if you missed this particularly episode it isn't worth watching back. It wasn't only Badenoch who didn't want to talk about the implications of a government secretly developing a whole new policy and getting a court order to prevent anyone – including our elected representatives in parliament – from knowing about it. MPs seemed to have had a mass memory lapse, skirting the issue in favour of the usual PMQs fodder: social housing, water shortages, digital ID cards. All important issues, to be sure, but in a week in which the very concept of democratic accountability has been challenged, you might have expected them to have something to say about it. Ed Davey did note that the Lib Dems would support Starmer if he wanted to pursue a public inquiry into the saga, but that was about it.
Badenoch led on the economy (because of course she did), building up through her questions to the prime minister on inflation, tax rises and the cost of borrowing to a painfully scripted call to 'go through his end of term score card'. She couldn't quite get the call-and-response trick with her own MPs to work this time, which was a bit embarrassing. There was a telling moment when she pressed Starmer on what his team mean when they talk about people on 'modest incomes' (a phrase used by Transport Secretary Heidi Alexander earlier in the week), which he dodged with a definition of 'working people'. Expect much more speculation on who is and isn't included in this bracket as we get into Budget season after the summer and Rachel Reeves has to figure out how to raise revenue without breaking the promise not to raise taxes on this particular group. But other than that, it was all the usual attack lines. At this point, ChatGPT could probably write them for her.
Starmer's answers were similarly an amalgamation of everything we have heard from him in these sessions over the last year: £22bn black hole, fastest growth in the G7, calls for the Tories to apologies. If you had 'Liz Truss mini-budget' on your bingo card, you were in luck once again.
The other safe bet these days is that Starmer will find a way to shoehorn an attack on Reform somewhere into his answers. Today was no exception. Labour MP for Rossendale and Darwen Andy MacNae (who has been out and about on the New Statesman website this week calling for less reliance on OBR forecasts) asked about concerns over cuts to nursery funding in his patch in Lancashire, where Reform is in charge of the council. This gave Starmer the opportunity to remind the House that's MacNae's predecessor in the seat, former Conservative chairman Jake Berry, has recently ditched his party for Reform. The defection, the PM argued, 'proves once again if you vote Tory you get Reform, and if you vote Reform you get the Tories'. We're only a year into this parliament, and already that line is getting worn out.
Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe
But perhaps Starmer had something other than originality on his mind today. Just hours after the session ended the news broke that the prime minister has suspended at least four of his MPs. Those MPs are reported to be Rachael Maskell, Brian Leishman, Neil Duncan-Jordan and Chris Hinchcliff. Their offence? 'Persistent breaches of party discipline', although there are also rumours they have been 'actively organising against the government'. This time last year when Starmer withdrew the whip from a group of MPs for being disobedient, one of them was Zarah Sultana – who is now off to found (maybe) her own left-wing party. A lesson there, as MPs drift a way from a thoroughly pointless PMQs session into the supposed calm of the summer recess.
[Further reading: Are Unite and Labour heading for divorce?]
Related
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Daily Mirror
9 minutes ago
- Daily Mirror
Keir Starmer urged to drop 'toxic' NIMBY term by Labour MPs
In recent months Keir Startmer has vowed to take on 'the NIMBYs' to get spades in the ground of major infastructure projects and deliver on promise to build 1.5million new homes Keir Starmer should drop the "toxic" term NIMBY for those who rally against developments in their own area, a group of Labour MPs have suggested. In recent months the PM has vowed to take on "the NIMBYs" - an acronym which stands for 'not in my back yard' - to get spades in the ground of major infrastructure projects. But Jenny Riddell-Carpenter, the Labour MP who chairs the Labour Rural Research Group, told The Mirror"many people rightly despise the term". "The term NIMBY isn't just toxic, it's politically pointless. We win nothing by labelling people 'anti development' or 'anti growth'," she added. It comes after The Mirror's Kevin Maguire wrote: 'Labour must find engaging story for the UK - or face election wipeout'. The group of 26 Labour backbenchers Labour Rural Research Group - set up to champion rural issues - have published their first report today on the attitudes of their countryside constituents. Their survey of 1,412 people found 56% "firmly do not see themselves as NIMBYs". Over 60% also agreed developments in their areas should go ahead "as long as it is delivered thoughtfully, and with consideration for local needs and identity". The report says: "The rhetoric in today's political world and media, which tends to focus on dividing lines, often pits rural against urban, and NIMBYs (Not In My Back Yard) against YIMBYs (Yes In My Back Yard). YIMBYs are often presented (in the media at least) as proud urban voters, whilst NIMBYs are seen as people living in rural or semi-rural communities." It also found almost three quarters believe rural communities have been overlooked over the past 15 years. And three in five feel their communities are in decline. The MPs' report said: "We must ensure that rural communities, left behind by successive Conservative governments, are front and centre of the Labour government's mission for inclusive growth and opportunity." Ms Riddell-Carpenter, who overturned ex-Tory Deputy PM Therese Coffey's massive majority in the Suffolk Coastal constituency last year, added: "Our report shows – in black and white – rural voters do not see themselves as NIMBYs, in fact many people rightly despise the term." She added: "They are rightly proud of, and ambitious for, their local area - they want to see new jobs, more affordable homes, and better opportunities for young people. We need to make sure that growth and development in rural areas matches this strong local identity, and that we put forward proposals that local people can be proud of in their back yard." A Labour source told The Mirror: 'Labour was elected to deliver change. We are proud of our ambition to create a fairer Britain. Working families don't feel that sense of fairness yet. People work hard and deserve a secure place to call home for them and their loved ones. 'Through our Plan for Change, Labour will unashamedly deliver on that promise. We'll build 1.5 million new homes during this Parliament, and create the infrastructure that gets them to work more quickly and seen by a doctor more swiftly.'


South Wales Guardian
12 minutes ago
- South Wales Guardian
Police chief calls for urgent guidance for forces after cover-up accusations
Warwickshire police and crime commissioner Philip Seccombe is calling for fresh national guidance to be issued after the charging of two men – reported to be Afghan asylum seekers – prompted accusations that the force withheld information about their immigration status. The pair are accused of raping of a 12-year-old girl in Nuneaton. Mr Seccombe said: 'Like all forces, Warwickshire Police finds itself in a difficult position of trying to carefully balance the legal safeguards which protect the integrity of the judicial process, while maintaining public order and simultaneously ensuring that public confidence is maintained through transparency and honesty. 'Currently police forces are in an invidious position when deciding what can and should be disclosed in sensitive cases, given that the national guidance is silent on both the ethnicity and immigration status of suspects. 'It is very easy to criticise and suggest that the balance of disclosure hasn't been correct, but it is much harder to take these decisions on the ground.' On Wednesday, Home Secretary Yvette Cooper said police should reveal more information about suspects, and that guidance to police was already being looked at. But she added it was an 'operational decision' for forces and the Crown Prosecution Service over what information to release. She said: 'However, we do think that the guidance needs to change, the College of Policing is already looking at this, and Home Office officials are working with the College of Policing.' The Nuneaton case has led to fresh pressure on police over the information they make public. The Southport atrocity committed by Axel Rudakubana in July last year was marked by a focus on the suspect's ethnicity and immigration status, with false rumours spreading online that he was a Muslim asylum seeker, fuelling riots after the stabbings. Mr Seccombe added: 'It is imperative that police forces have revised guidance as soon as possible, so everyone has the clarity needed on what information will be released, when it will be released and by whom, for any incidents going forward.'


The Independent
an hour ago
- The Independent
Should former party leaders keep their noses out of politics?
The political phenomenon of the 'back-seat driver' is hardly new, but it's a bit of a thing at the moment. Neil Kinnock, Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, and Jeremy Corbyn have all been giving Keir Starmer private and public advice about taxation, welfare reform, the general conduct of government, and, in Corbyn's case, even about local authorities selling off allotments. It's meant to be helpful (maybe not in the case of Starmer's immediate predecessor), but it doesn't always work out that way... What's their problem? On the whole, and crudely speaking, they think that Starmer isn't really left-wing enough, which is ironic because they too (excepting Corbyn) were often criticised for just that in their own time. Most recently, Kinnock has backed a 'wealth tax' (never a prominent part of Labour policy during his own leadership), and wants to apply VAT to private healthcare charges (supposedly analogous to private school fees). Brown doesn't, but he does think child poverty is an under-regarded problem and that the winter fuel allowance, which he introduced, needs to be restored. Tony Blair has been pushing digital ID hard, just as he did when he was in No 10, when he never quite managed to make compulsory ID cards acceptable. More critically, Blair is supposed to have told Starmer that 'this isn't working' in a wider sense, and that net zero is 'doomed to fail' (a point he later rowed back on). Were he not already in Starmer's cabinet, Ed Miliband would also be outspoken about the downgrading of his Green New Deal. Are they right? Probably, but they do enjoy the luxury of observerdom, no longer living in fear of their own MPs, financial markets and, of course, Britain's devoutly cakeist electorate. They, and we, cannot assume they'd be doing a better job, notwithstanding their experience. Even so, if Starmer metaphorically says 'Well, you try it' – running the party, government, or both – they can reply, 'Well, we did, mate.' Why does this happen? They miss the attention? Former party leaders and prime ministers – deprived, usually forcibly, of their former power and status – are sometimes unable to resist the temptation to advise and warn their successors, not least when their own policies and record are under attack (whether real or imagined). Margaret Thatcher, conscious that such interventions can be unhelpful, actually promised after she left office in 1990 (and most unwillingly) to be a 'good back-seat driver'. John Major and, to a lesser degree, William Hague would beg to differ about what that meant. Thatcher more or less inflicted on them what Ted Heath, whom she ousted, visited on her during her premiership – constant barracking, grumbling and plotting. Harold Macmillan, who'd left No 10 even longer ago, also chose to criticise her harsh economic policies in the 1980s. Kinnock, in a backhanded way, said of Blair in 2007 that 'he's a bastard, but he's our bastard'. James Callaghan, who was in the merchant navy as a young man in the war, and was most restrained towards his heirs, said this of former leaders: 'Don't distract the man at the wheel, and don't spit on the deck.' Aside from one remark, and a subsequent indecorous row with John Prescott in the Commons tea room about nuclear disarmament, Callaghan followed his own advice. Why is there so much of this now? On the Conservative side, it is largely a function of the growing population of ex-leaders – nine in all (from Major to Rishi Sunak), of whom six served as prime minister. They've usually been the more bitter critics of one another, with the Liz Truss-Kemi Badenoch spats currently being the most entertaining, and serious, because the very word 'Truss' terrifies the voters, but attempts to slap her down make the Tories look divided. It's only fair to add that John Major, David Cameron, Theresa May, Boris Johnson, and Sunak are being remarkably restrained as Badenoch continually trashes their reputations. Labour has far fewer extant former prime ministers, and fewer former leaders. In addition, they tend to be more polite, and the most potent dissident among them, Corbyn, is now outside the family. The problem comes if they start to become the focus for rebellions, and make the Labour Party look even more divided than it actually is. None, however – not even Corbyn – can match Truss for high-profile delusion.