
Bangladesh's leader threatens to resign
DHAKA, Bangladesh—In August, an idealistic movement led by students toppled Sheikh Hasina's increasingly autocratic government, and millions of Bangladeshis celebrated the imminent revival of democracy.
Almost nine months later, an appointed interim government is frustrating everyone who wants to vote for new leaders right away. Now its celebrated leader, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus, is threatening to quit if he is not allowed to get on with his job and prepare the country for elections at a slower pace.
Yunus, an internationally respected technocrat, was seen as Bangladesh's best chance to pull things together until fair elections could be held. He was appointed to lead an interim government while there was still blood in the streets.
But his aides say he feels thwarted by an emerging alliance between the country's largest remaining political party and the army, which have criticized his policies and say he is being too slow to plan elections.
On Thursday, Yunus threatened to resign if he did not get political and military backing to carry on unfettered.
Yunus went as far as drafting a speech announcing his resignation, according to a senior official in his government. Other advisers managed to persuade him that his resignation would further destabilize Bangladesh. The official said by phone that his boss was especially unhappy with statements recently made by the army chief calling for elections this year, and felt worn down by criticism from political opponents.
Hasina's old enemies stand to gain in any election, the sooner the more so. With her party in disgrace and more recently banned outright, the country has been stranded without meaningful political competition.
Bangladesh has also been plagued by a breakdown in law and order and haphazard efforts to fix it. Yunus, who has personally come under increasing pressure from the country's army and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, lacks political support of his own.
Mubashar Hasan, a political scientist and research fellow at the University of Oslo, said that Yunus 'could be a great banker, he could be a great leader in leading institutions, but what he lacks, and it appears day by day, is that he doesn't have a firm and strong persona.' Instead, Hasan thinks, Yunus can be overly influenced by his advisers.
Yunus feels sidelined by some of the people who are supposed to be helping him get the country's democracy back on track, said the official who works closely with him. He seemed to reach his breaking point after the leader of Bangladesh's army, Gen. Waker-uz-Zaman, said Wednesday that an election should be held by December.
Yunus previously suggested that the country might be ready for an election by June 2026, but has given no clear timeline. He has told his Cabinet he doesn't believe the current political climate is suitable for a fair election.
In an address to the nation in November, Yunus said, 'The election train has started its journey. It will not stop. But we have to complete many tasks on the way.'
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party has been insisting that a democratic mandate is needed before the future course of the country can be decided. After the banning of its traditional nemesis, Hasina's Awami League, the former opposition party wants to seize its chance to win power.
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party was initially supportive of Yunus' government, but in recent months, it has stopped cooperating over a series of policy disagreements. Yunus and his officials, for instance, want to privatize the country's largest seaport at Chattogram; to open an aid corridor to war-torn parts of Myanmar; and to split up Bangladesh's main tax authority.
Stabilizing the political turmoil has proved a challenging — and at times, almost insurmountable — task for the 84-year-old economist. With one of Bangladesh's two broad-based parties outlawed and the other urging haste, Yunus seems to want to buy time.
That annoys even sympathetic analysts. 'There is no reason this election cannot be held by December,' Hasan said. 'It completely depends on the willingness of the government.'
Members of the student protest movement that overthrew Hasina's government have clashed violently with her supporters since. But they dread letting her old enemies in the Bangladesh Nationalist Party take her place. Most still put their faith in Yunus.
In February, one of Yunus' former advisers, Nahid Islam, launched a political party called the National Citizens Party, hoping to attract students into its fold.
Islam said he has urged Yunus not to resign. On Thursday, they spoke, and Yunus told him that the promises he had made when he took office are being broken.
'With different groups creating instability, disorder, and pressuring the government, he feels it is no longer possible for him to carry out his responsibilities in an effective way,' Islam said.
This article originally appeared in
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Bangladesh's leader threatens to resign
DHAKA, Bangladesh—In August, an idealistic movement led by students toppled Sheikh Hasina's increasingly autocratic government, and millions of Bangladeshis celebrated the imminent revival of democracy. Almost nine months later, an appointed interim government is frustrating everyone who wants to vote for new leaders right away. Now its celebrated leader, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus, is threatening to quit if he is not allowed to get on with his job and prepare the country for elections at a slower pace. Yunus, an internationally respected technocrat, was seen as Bangladesh's best chance to pull things together until fair elections could be held. He was appointed to lead an interim government while there was still blood in the streets. But his aides say he feels thwarted by an emerging alliance between the country's largest remaining political party and the army, which have criticized his policies and say he is being too slow to plan elections. On Thursday, Yunus threatened to resign if he did not get political and military backing to carry on unfettered. Yunus went as far as drafting a speech announcing his resignation, according to a senior official in his government. Other advisers managed to persuade him that his resignation would further destabilize Bangladesh. The official said by phone that his boss was especially unhappy with statements recently made by the army chief calling for elections this year, and felt worn down by criticism from political opponents. Hasina's old enemies stand to gain in any election, the sooner the more so. With her party in disgrace and more recently banned outright, the country has been stranded without meaningful political competition. Bangladesh has also been plagued by a breakdown in law and order and haphazard efforts to fix it. Yunus, who has personally come under increasing pressure from the country's army and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, lacks political support of his own. Mubashar Hasan, a political scientist and research fellow at the University of Oslo, said that Yunus 'could be a great banker, he could be a great leader in leading institutions, but what he lacks, and it appears day by day, is that he doesn't have a firm and strong persona.' Instead, Hasan thinks, Yunus can be overly influenced by his advisers. Yunus feels sidelined by some of the people who are supposed to be helping him get the country's democracy back on track, said the official who works closely with him. He seemed to reach his breaking point after the leader of Bangladesh's army, Gen. Waker-uz-Zaman, said Wednesday that an election should be held by December. Yunus previously suggested that the country might be ready for an election by June 2026, but has given no clear timeline. He has told his Cabinet he doesn't believe the current political climate is suitable for a fair election. In an address to the nation in November, Yunus said, 'The election train has started its journey. It will not stop. But we have to complete many tasks on the way.' The Bangladesh Nationalist Party has been insisting that a democratic mandate is needed before the future course of the country can be decided. After the banning of its traditional nemesis, Hasina's Awami League, the former opposition party wants to seize its chance to win power. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party was initially supportive of Yunus' government, but in recent months, it has stopped cooperating over a series of policy disagreements. Yunus and his officials, for instance, want to privatize the country's largest seaport at Chattogram; to open an aid corridor to war-torn parts of Myanmar; and to split up Bangladesh's main tax authority. Stabilizing the political turmoil has proved a challenging — and at times, almost insurmountable — task for the 84-year-old economist. With one of Bangladesh's two broad-based parties outlawed and the other urging haste, Yunus seems to want to buy time. That annoys even sympathetic analysts. 'There is no reason this election cannot be held by December,' Hasan said. 'It completely depends on the willingness of the government.' Members of the student protest movement that overthrew Hasina's government have clashed violently with her supporters since. But they dread letting her old enemies in the Bangladesh Nationalist Party take her place. Most still put their faith in Yunus. In February, one of Yunus' former advisers, Nahid Islam, launched a political party called the National Citizens Party, hoping to attract students into its fold. Islam said he has urged Yunus not to resign. On Thursday, they spoke, and Yunus told him that the promises he had made when he took office are being broken. 'With different groups creating instability, disorder, and pressuring the government, he feels it is no longer possible for him to carry out his responsibilities in an effective way,' Islam said. This article originally appeared in


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DHAKA, Bangladesh — It was always going to be a hard year for Bangladesh. Last summer, amid an economic collapse, protesters toppled a tyrant and pushed the country to the brink of chaos. Then a month ago, as a new government was still working to steady Bangladesh's economy, came the devastating news that the United States was placing a new 37% charge on the country's goods. Bangladesh relies on revenue from its exports to buy fuel, food and other essentials. President Donald Trump soon paused those tariffs on Bangladesh and dozens of other countries after the world recoiled. But the possibility of their being reinstated worries the workers who make a living in Bangladesh's garment factories. Murshida Akhtar, 25, a migrant from northern Bangladesh living near Dhaka, has been supporting her family with sewing machines for the past five years. One day recently, she and 200 other workers, 70% of them women, signed on for new jobs at 4A Yarn Dyeing, in the industrial hub of Savar. 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A tariff like the one Trump has planned, along with side effects like the 145% tariff that he applied to Chinese goods, would break the very engine of Bangladeshi growth. Before Trump paused the tariff, Bangladesh's interim leader, Nobel Peace Prize-winning economist Muhammad Yunus, wrote him a letter asking for a 90-day reprieve. Yunus promised that his country would buy more U.S. cotton and other goods to help reduce its trade surplus, which last year was $6 billion. Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir, an economist at the University of Dhaka, was less deferential. He called the tariff threat 'an ugly display of power.' It came just as the country, after decades of enviable growth, was facing a recession and was vulnerable, he said. A currency crisis in 2024 weakened the government of Sheikh Hasina, who had come to rule with an iron grip for 15 years. Her ouster caused an immediate security vacuum. Nine months later, Bangladesh has yet to come up with a plan to restore its democracy. Nearly 85% of Bangladesh's exported goods are garments, and more are shipped to the United States than to any other country. Even if Trump does not bring back the 37% tariff when his self-defined grace period ends in July, Bangladesh will face the 10% tariff that he levied on virtually the entire world. Even 10% is hard to swallow in a low-margin business like the clothing trade. Competition is fierce from China, the only country that exports more, as well as from India, Vietnam, Cambodia and Sri Lanka. Bangladesh's political upheaval was viewed as a sign of hope by Western proponents of liberal democracy. India was annoyed at the demise of an alliance it had built with Hasina. But the administration of former President Joe Biden welcomed Yunus. Bangladesh's central bank scrambled to contain the fallout from a plundering of the financial system by Hasina's regime. It anticipated a year of reduced growth but believed that business would perk up to normal by 2026. Tariffs put an end to that hope. The World Bank has already lowered its expectations for Bangladesh's next two years of growth. The country is feeling the heat from the International Monetary Fund, which cleared a $4.7 billion loan last year. 'We are under tremendous pressure from the IMF to reduce subsidies and hike the prices of fuel, said Fahmida Khatun, the director of the Center for Policy Dialogue, a think tank in Dhaka. The 10% tariff and the prospect of more strikes at the heart of a garment sector that has transformed itself. In 2013, a gigantic sweatshop called Rana Plaza collapsed, killing more than 1,100 workers. The grotesque loss of life made foreign buyers, major Western clothing brands among them, doubt that they could stick with their local partners. But the industry rallied, understanding that it needed to change to survive. There is still a vast space where Rana Plaza once stood, on the main road from Dhaka into Savar. The grim conditions the site represents have guided the future of Bangladeshi manufacturing. The industry has consolidated. While the number of companies making garments has shrunk, the value of their exports and the number of people employed has grown. Bangladesh is home to 230 garment factories certified under the Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design program, a U.S.-led protocol of best practices policed by inspectors who make periodic visits. That is more than any other country in the world. Among them is 4A Yarn Dyeing, where Akhtar works. Despite its name, it hasn't dyed yarn for years. It concentrates on higher-value outerwear, mostly jackets with fancy zippers, waterproofing and other hard-to-make bits. It proudly lists buyers from American brands ranging from Carhartt to Calvin Klein, but has even more European customers than Americans. 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