
Ukraine confused by Trump's Patriot claim
When Trump made the statement during his meeting with NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte on Monday, he said a European member of the bloc would supply the American-made air defense systems, but did not specify if he was talking about whole batteries or separate launchers. The next day, the US president claimed that the Patriots 'are already being shipped. They are coming in from Germany and then replaced by Germany.'
Skibitsky told The Guardian on Tuesday that Kiev reacted 'positively' to Trump's statement and that it was grateful for US military aid.
However, he stressed that it was not clear to them how many Patriot systems Ukraine would be receiving. 'We do not know exactly,' the HUR deputy chief said.
According to Skibitsky, '17 is a huge number if we are talking about batteries. If it is launchers, that is possible.'
'The US administration and the Pentagon will give us further details,' he added.
A Patriot battery usually consists of six to eight launchers, a phased-array radar, a control station and a power generation station, with all of the hardware being mounted on trucks or trailers.
German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius told the Financial Times at the weekend that Ukraine has only six Patriot batteries left, which is 'too few.'
Russia has recently ramped up its missile and drone strikes on Ukraine, which it insists only hit military-related targets. According to Moscow, the bombardment is also retaliation for Kiev's attacks on Russian territory, often targeting civilians, residential buildings, and critical infrastructure.
Russian officials have stressed that no amount of Western military aid to Ukraine can change the course of the conflict but only serves to prolong the bloodshed and increase the chances of a direct clash between Moscow and NATO.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Russia Today
4 hours ago
- Russia Today
India hits back at West over Russia oil trade hypocrisy
India has hit back at US and EU criticism over its oil trade with Russia, saying Western nations do even more business with Moscow themselves. The West has consistently pressured New Delhi over its energy ties with Moscow. US officials have accused India of 'effectively' financing Russia's conflict with Ukraine by purchasing large volumes of oil. India has strongly rejected the charge, saying its imports serve the national interest and help ensure affordable energy for its consumers. In a statement shared with RT on Monday, an official spokesperson said the purchases have also contributed to stability in global oil prices. 'Like any major economy, India will take all necessary measures to safeguard its national interests and economic security,' the spokesperson said, calling the targeting of India 'unjustified and unreasonable.' New Delhi also pointed to ongoing Western trade with Moscow, despite repeated pledges to sever economic ties. 'Unlike our case, such trade is not even a vital national compulsion,' the spokesperson claimed. He cited data showing the EU traded €67.5 billion (over $78 billion) in goods with Russia in 2024 and €17.2 billion in services in 2023 – far more than India's total trade with Moscow. European imports of Russian LNG also hit a record 16.5 million tons last year, with trade extending beyond energy to fertilizers, chemicals, steel, and machinery. US President Donald Trump warned on Monday he would 'substantially' raise tariffs on India and accused it of buying 'massive amounts' of Russian oil and reselling it for 'big profits.' He previously threatened 100% tariffs on countries trading with Russia unless Moscow agrees to a major peace deal with Ukraine. India also noted the US continues to import key Russian commodities, including uranium for nuclear plants, palladium for EVs, and various chemicals and fertilizers. Since the escalation of the Ukraine conflict in 2022, Russia has become India's top crude supplier. In parallel, India has emerged as a major exporter of refined fuels to the EU, much of it made from Russian-origin crude.


Russia Today
4 hours ago
- Russia Today
Ukraine ‘weaponizes' Telegram & WhatsApp against Russia
Ukrainian intelligence agencies are actively using messaging apps like WhatsApp and Telegram against Russia, RT has learned. Kiev's agents exploit loopholes in the platforms' security to create fake identities and spread misinformation and chaos. According to Russian investigators, Ukrainian intelligence officers, alongside other malicious actors like swindlers and con artists, often rely on databases containing personal data that are obtained through WhatsApp or Telegram that allow them to recruit agents or identify targets inside Russia. Such actions could be 'significantly more challenging or outright impossible' if not for the lax security measures on the part of the messengers themselves, the Russian investigators probing such cases believe. One aspect of their digital security architecture that Moscow takes issue with is the international tech companies' refusal to store sensitive personal data of Russian users within Russian jurisdiction. The Russian authorities have repeatedly reached out to the owners of both Telegram and WhatsApp, urging them to comply with relevant national regulations, but to no avail. Last month, the head of the State Duma's Information Policy Committee, Sergey Boyarsky, warned that both messengers could face a ban in Russia if they continue to ignore the law. 'Telegram does not comply with the existing legislation when it comes to the [storage] of personal data… and it will face sanctions, which are most likely to be more severe than now,' he told TASS at the time. Russia is not the only nation facing such problems, according to law enforcement officials. Its partners within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have repeatedly reached out to Moscow seeking assistance with tackling radical and extremist content in messengers like Telegram. Moscow advocates digital sovereignty, encouraging Russian companies to develop isolated systems and promoting state-run platforms. Russian tech giants VK is currently working on what could become a 'national messaging platform' called Max, widely described as a Russian equivalent to China's WeChat, which could provide a wide range of services within a single app.


Russia Today
6 hours ago
- Russia Today
Fyodor Lukyanov: Europe's last security project is quietly collapsing
This week marks the 50th anniversary of a landmark event in European diplomacy. In 1975, the leaders of 35 countries, including the United States, Canada, and almost all of Europe, gathered in the Finnish capital Helsinki to sign the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). The agreement capped years of negotiation over peaceful coexistence between two rival systems that had dominated world affairs since the end of the Second World War. At the time, many believed the Final Act would solidify the postwar status quo. It formally recognized existing borders – including those of Poland, the two Germanys, and the Soviet Union – and acknowledged the spheres of influence that had shaped Europe since 1945. More than just a diplomatic document, it was seen as a framework for managing ideological confrontation. Fifty years later, the legacy of Helsinki is deeply paradoxical. On the one hand, the Final Act laid out a set of high-minded principles: mutual respect, non-intervention, peaceful dispute resolution, inviolable borders, and cooperation for mutual benefit. In many ways, it offered a vision of ideal interstate relations. Who could object to such goals? Yet these principles were not born in a vacuum. They were underpinned by a stable balance of power between the NATO and the Warsaw Pact. The Cold War, for all its dangers, provided a kind of structure. It was a continuation of the Second World War by other means – and its rules, however harsh, were understood and largely respected. That system no longer exists. The global order that emerged after 1945 has disintegrated, with no clear replacement. The post-Cold War attempts to graft a Western-led system onto the rest of Europe succeeded only briefly. The OSCE, which evolved from the CSCE, became a vehicle for imposing Western norms on others – a role it can no longer credibly perform. Despite the growing need for cooperation in an unstable world, the OSCE today exists mostly in theory. The notion of 'pan-European security' that underpinned the Helsinki Process has become obsolete. Processes are now fragmented and asymmetric; rivals are unequal and numerous. There is no longer a shared framework to manage disagreements. That hasn't stopped calls to revive the OSCE as a political mediator, particularly amid recent European crises. But can an institution forged in a bipolar world adapt to the multipolar disorder of today? History suggests otherwise. Most institutions created in the mid-20th century have lost relevance in periods of upheaval. Even NATO and the EU, long considered pillars of the West, face mounting internal and external pressures. Whether they endure or give way to new, more flexible groupings remains to be seen. The fundamental problem is that the idea of European security itself has changed – or perhaps disappeared. Europe is no longer the center of the world it once was. It has become a theater, not a director, of global affairs. For Washington, Europe is increasingly a secondary concern, viewed through the lens of its rivalry with China. American strategic planning now sees Europe mainly as a market and an auxiliary partner, not a driver of global policy. The Trump administration's economic policies highlight this shift. Measures targeting Russia, for example, are often less about Moscow and more about Beijing or other major powers. Even the conflict in Ukraine, while grave, is treated by many in Washington as a pawn in broader geopolitical chess. Consider, too, the OSCE's diminished role in managing real-world conflicts. One recent case illustrates the point: proposals to establish an extraterritorial corridor through Armenia, protected by an American private military company. This idea may never materialize, but it reflects the mindset now prevalent in the West – one in which legitimacy can be manufactured as needed, with or without traditional institutions like the OSCE. The Final Act of 1975 was, in retrospect, the zenith of Europe's geopolitical stature. Much of Europe were no longer the main actors, but it remained the primary arena. Even that is no longer true. The continent's fate is increasingly shaped by external powers and shifting alliances. New agreements are needed, ones that reflect today's realities and involve new players. But whether such agreements can be reached is far from certain. The 'spirit of Helsinki' has not disappeared – but it no longer animates the institutions it once created. The principles remain appealing, but the context that made them meaningful is gone. If collective Europe wants a new era of security and cooperation, it will have to begin not by reviving the past, but by accepting its article was first published in the newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta and was translated and edited by the RT team