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Pakistan nominates Trump for 2026 Nobel Peace Prize after Munir's US visit

Pakistan nominates Trump for 2026 Nobel Peace Prize after Munir's US visit

Pakistan has backed US President Donald Trump for the 2026 Nobel Peace Prize, crediting him with helping to de-escalate the recent crisis between India and Pakistan.
The nomination was shared through an official post on X (formerly Twitter), where Pakistani officials praised Trump's 'decisive diplomatic intervention' and 'pivotal leadership' in preventing the conflict from spiralling further.
The news came shortly after Trump told reporters on Friday that he deserved the Nobel for a range of peace efforts — from calming tensions in South Asia to brokering a reported treaty between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, which he claims will be signed on 23 June.
India dismisses Trump's mediation claim
India has rejected Trump's repeated claims of mediation between the two nations. Officials in New Delhi have firmly rejected suggestions that any external power played a mediating role.
Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri said Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in a 35-minute call with US President Donald Trump on 18 June, reaffirmed India's firm stand against third-party mediation on Pakistan-related issues.
PM Modi also dismissed Trump's claims of brokering peace, clarifying that the 10 May ceasefire followed direct military talks initiated by Islamabad, with no US involvement.
Pak's strategy of 'flattery' after Munir meets Trump
Trump's recent meeting with Pakistan's Army Chief, General Asim Munir, at the White House seems to have been more than a diplomatic courtesy. The idea of a Nobel Prize nomination could have floated during the visit — part of what some analysts are calling a shrewd move by Islamabad.
While the prospect of a Nobel Prize may seem far-fetched, it aligns neatly with Trump's long-running narrative of being a global dealmaker.
What happens now?
There's a procedural hurdle: General Asim Munir, as Pakistan's Army Chief, does not meet the eligibility criteria to formally nominate a candidate for the Nobel Peace Prize. According to the Nobel Committee's rules, nominations can only be submitted by select individuals — including national lawmakers, heads of state, university professors in certain fields, and past laureates.
Still, the gesture appears to be more symbolic than procedural. By publicly endorsing US President Donald Trump, Pakistan is signalling diplomatic goodwill while appealing to Trump's self-image as a global dealmaker — a narrative central to his ongoing election campaign.
As for the Nobel Committee, it maintains strict confidentiality and does not comment on nominations, with records sealed for 50 years.
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President Murmu approves wartime honours for Operation Sindoor heroes
President Murmu approves wartime honours for Operation Sindoor heroes

Hindustan Times

time14 minutes ago

  • Hindustan Times

President Murmu approves wartime honours for Operation Sindoor heroes

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India warns Pakistan of ‘painful consequences' to any misadventure
India warns Pakistan of ‘painful consequences' to any misadventure

Hindustan Times

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  • Hindustan Times

India warns Pakistan of ‘painful consequences' to any misadventure

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Trump is aiming for Pakistan-style compliance from India, but his plan is not working
Trump is aiming for Pakistan-style compliance from India, but his plan is not working

Economic Times

time14 minutes ago

  • Economic Times

Trump is aiming for Pakistan-style compliance from India, but his plan is not working

Synopsis Amidst rising tensions, the US-India trade relationship faces turbulence as Trump's administration imposes tariffs, allegedly to pressure India on geopolitical issues like Russian oil imports. India views these actions as an infringement on its sovereignty, resisting demands to compromise on agriculture, patent laws and military sourcing. India's refusal to play a compliant role, unlike Pakistan, frustrates Trump. "Trump wants a vessel like Pakistan. India refuses to behave like one." That blunt assessment from Ajay Srivastava, founder of the Global Trade Research Initiative (GTRI), captures the essence of the US-India trade saga: it's less about economics than geopolitics. While headlines focus on tariffs and trade deficits, the underlying story is about power, leverage and sovereignty. Speaking to Economic Times, Srivastava explains, "Washington expects compliance, and India is not yielding." 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According to US Census Bureau data for May 2025, imports from India stood at $9.43 billion, while US exports to India were $3.82 billion, resulting in a US goods trade deficit, or an Indian surplus, of roughly $5.6 billion. If the 50% tariffs remain in place, nearly all of India's annual exports to the US could become commercially unviable. Meanwhile, the US continues to run a $45.7 billion goods trade deficit with India, yet these tariffs disproportionately affect Indian exports compared with goods from other Srivastava, the message is clear: 'Trade deficit is just for the namesake. It's about forcing countries to fall in line with a geopolitical agenda.' India imports roughly 20% of its GDP in goods, spanning petroleum, machinery and electronics, yet Washington appears less concerned with trade imbalances than with pressuring India to compromise on and dairy have emerged as key sticking points in India-US trade talks, which collapsed earlier this month. On August 7, Prime Minister Narendra Modi declared, 'India will never compromise on the well-being of its farmers, dairy producers and fishermen.' New Delhi has consistently resisted US pressure to open these sectors, arguing that doing so would threaten millions of small farmers. Historically, India has kept agriculture largely off the table in trade agreements to safeguard domestic to Srivastava, US demands extend far beyond tariffs: opening government procurement, diluting patent laws that could make medicines costlier, limiting future digital taxes, and shifting military sourcing to the US. 'Even if we open agri and dairy, no trade deal will happen with this. Not a trade issue. They want you to open your government procurement, dilute patent laws, commit to never charge digital tax in future, buy military from the US, the list is endless,' he adds, 'Trump imposed 50% tariffs on Brazil partly over politics and partly because Brazil asked Twitter to remove anti-Brazil content. Records show India generates even more such requests, so he could use that as an excuse too. He can conjure unlimited reasons to impose tariffs if he's unhappy. My sense is he doesn't want a partner in India, he wants a vassal. India refuses to play that role; it insists on an equal partnership. That's the basic problem.'The US approach to Russian oil imports is uneven. China, Russia's largest crude buyer, faces no comparable tariff threats, while India is under heavy pressure. 'Even if the US demanded zero imports from Russia, India's imports would fall anyway due to economic circumstances,' notes Srivastava. European and US bans on petroleum products derived from Russian crude are already reducing India's imports, independent of Washington's selective approach reflects a broader pattern in US trade policy. Brazil, for example, faced a 50% tariff despite running a surplus with the US, largely over political disagreements including its stance on Venezuela and former President Bolsonaro. Venezuela itself is under secondary sanctions for buyers of its oil, though some firms, like Chevron, have received exemptions. These cases suggest that political alignment often outweighs economic between Russia and the US has dropped roughly 90% since the Kremlin's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, though last year the US still imported $3 billion worth of Russian goods, according to the US Bureau of Economic Analysis and Census Bureau. Meanwhile, the European Union, a partner in sanctions against Russia, imported $41.9 billion (36 billion euros) of Russian goods in 2024, Eurostat data the US pressures India to cut Russian oil imports, market forces and global regulations are already reshaping trade flows. Europe and US bans on petroleum products ensure India's imports will decline regardless of Washington's actions. Srivastava cautions, however, that the US may find new reasons for tariffs, keeping India under continuous has built a buffer against such pressures. Exports constitute roughly 20% of GDP, compared with 90% for Vietnam, a country far more vulnerable to US-imposed shocks. 'Vietnam will suffer more. We will suffer, but we will absorb it properly. Country will bounce back. All we need to do is not to surrender,' Srivastava US consumers will also feel the impact of tariffs. About 90% of prescriptions in the US rely on generics imported from India. While the total trade value may be under $10 billion, disruption affects the majority of prescriptions, potentially raising prices significantly. Companies may eventually source alternatives over three to four months, but the immediate effect is inflationary.'Indian exports will suffer, but we need to consider whether it's better to endure this and use it to push delayed reforms, like diversifying exports, rather than falling into a bad deal. This isn't really about trade; it's about surrendering sovereignty,' Srivastava Srivastava, Trump's broader strategy is political theatre. 'Basically, he wanted to hit China. He couldn't, so he has to show his domestic voters that he is a big man, that a bully can show strength by hitting someone. He couldn't hit China, so let's hit India, that's the only thing.'With China, Trump launched a trade war over the large trade deficit, but Beijing hit back by restricting supplies of critical materials, he noted. 'India hasn't used those levers, which is why Washington expected Delhi to yield immediately.'India's refusal to play a compliant role, unlike Pakistan, frustrates Trump. At the same time, India maintains strategic autonomy, engaging with Russia on defence, limiting deep Chinese investment to marketing and distribution, and managing relations with the US on equal footing. 'We are a big country, big economy, and so we have to have workable, good relations with everyone, without being in anybody's camp,' Srivastava pre-Galwan, Chinese investment has been superficial. 'China doesn't invest in deep manufacturing. They will not supply any technology. They will invest in marketing of cars, garments, two, $5 billion here and there, but we don't want that. So we have to evaluate very carefully,' he says.'We can have targeted strategic relationships, like with Russia for defence, but moving closer to China is complicated. There's the border dispute and a $100 billion trade deficit,' he export-oriented economy, diversified supply chains and robust domestic market allow it to absorb short-term shocks while resisting long-term concessions. 'All we need to do is not enter into any relationship that costs us the medium or long term,' Srivastava takeaway is clear: Trump's tariffs are less about trade and more about leverage. Every tweet, every tariff threat, every demand is a political signal designed to demonstrate strength to domestic voters. 'Every day he abuses us on Twitter. That shows India has entered his mind,' Srivastava response emphasises sovereignty, resilience and strategic foresight. "Trade deal is not a trade deal. It's about bargaining for your sovereignty. And India is not bargaining."

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