Rubio expects Israel to step up Gaza aid
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Tuesday voiced hope that Israel will step up the amount of aid it allows into Gaza after authorizing the first trucks in more than two months.
'We anticipate that those flows will increase over the next few days and weeks. It's important that that be achieved,' Rubio told a Senate hearing.
The United Nations received permission to send nearly 100 trucks of aid into Gaza, where experts have warned of a risk of famine as the Israeli blockade brings severe shortages of food and medicine.
Rubio, responding to a Democrat who said that the amount of aid was far too little, said: 'I understand your point that it's not in sufficient amounts, but we were pleased to see that decision was made.'
Dick Durbin, the number-two Democrat in the Senate, told Rubio he was aghast at images of children in Gaza 'with pencil-thin arms, with ribs you can count.'
The children are 'on the cusp of death because of the policy of Israel in dealing with Hamas,' Durbin said.
He pointed to criticism of Israel by Britain, which suspended free-trade negotiations and summoned Israel's ambassador, as well as Canada and France.
'Mr. Secretary, are we on the wrong side of history in watching this unfold and not responding as these three countries have?' Durbin asked Rubio.
Rubio replied: 'We're not prepared to respond the way these three countries have.'
Democratic Senator Jeff Merkley asked Rubio if the United States was applying pressure, after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel risked losing support of its key ally if Gaza suffers starvation.
'Is the administration conveying to the Netanyahu government that encouraging migration through food denial is an unacceptable strategy?' Merkley asked.
'We don't view that that's their strategy,' Rubio said, adding that the solution for Gaza was the 'elimination of Hamas,' which triggered the war with its unprecedented October 7, 2023, attack on Israel.
President Donald Trump last week said that 'a lot of people are starving' in Gaza, although his administration has been careful not to criticize its ally directly.
The United States and Israel have backed a proposal for a foundation to distribute aid in Gaza without participation of the United Nations, which Israel has often denounced.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Al Arabiya
16 minutes ago
- Al Arabiya
Breaking: Iran launches hundreds of missiles towards Israel, Khamenei says Israel initiated war
Hundreds of ballistic missiles were launched from Iran towards Israel, marking the start of Tehran's response to intensive Israeli strikes, Iranian media reported. Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei said in a statement on Friday that Israel initiated a war and said it will not be allowed to do 'hit and run' attacks without grave consequences. 'The Zionist regime (Israel) will not remain unscathed from the consequences of its crime. The Iranian nation must be guaranteed that our response will not be half-measured,' Khamenei said in a statement. An Israeli military official said Iran launched on Friday dozens of ballistic missiles at Israel, as sirens sounded and AFP reported loud blasts heard in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. 'Dozens of Iranian ballistic missiles are en route to Israel. The people of Israel have been instructed to remain in bomb shelters until further notice,' the official said in a statement delivered to journalists on condition of anonymity. A thick plume of smoke billowed over the coastal Israeli city of Tel Aviv on Friday after Iranian missile fire, an AFP journalist reported. The smoke towered over the city's skyscrapers as blasts echoed across the city, the journalist said. Israel launched renewed attacks on Iran as evening fell on Friday, after its biggest ever attack against its longstanding foe blasted Iran's huge underground nuclear site and wiped out its entire top echelon of military commanders. Iran said that in retaliation 'the gates of hell will open,' while Israel said the strikes were only the start of 'Operation Rising Lion.' US President Donald Trump said it was not too late for Tehran to halt the bombing campaign by reaching a deal on its nuclear program. As evening fell on Friday, Iranian media reported explosions on the northern and southern outskirts of Tehran and at Fordow, near the holy city of Qom, a second major nuclear site which had been spared in the first wave of attacks. Israel's military said it was striking Iranian missile and drone launching sites. Air defenses were activated across Tehran and explosions could be heard in Isfahan. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the Israeli campaign was aimed at defeating an existential threat from Iran, invoking the failure to halt the Holocaust in World War Two. Israel's operation 'will continue for as many days as it takes to remove this threat,' he said in a TV address. 'Generations from now, history will record our generation stood its ground, acted in time and secured our common future.' Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei said Israel had 'unleashed its wicked and bloody' hand, and would suffer 'a bitter fate.' In a phone interview with Reuters, Trump said it was not clear if Iran's nuclear program had survived. He said nuclear talks between Tehran and the United States, scheduled for Sunday, were still on the agenda though he was not sure if they would take place. 'I tried to save Iran humiliation and death,' Trump said. Earlier, Trump posted on Truth Social: 'Iran must make a deal, before there is nothing left.' Israel's National Security Adviser Tzachi Hanegbi said military action by itself would not destroy Iran's nuclear program, but could 'create the conditions for a long-term deal, led by the United States' to get rid of it. Decapitation Two regional sources said at least 20 Iranian military commanders were killed, a stunning decapitation reminiscent of Israeli attacks that swiftly wiped out the leadership of Lebanon's once-feared Hezbollah militia last year. Iran also said six of its top nuclear scientists had been killed. Among the generals killed on Friday were the armed forces chief of staff, Major General Mohammad Bagheri, and the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Hossein Salami. Major General Mohammad Pakpour, swiftly promoted to replace Salami as chief commander of the IRGC, vowed retaliation in a letter to the supreme leader read out on state television: 'The gates of hell will open to the child-killing regime.' Iranian media showed images of destroyed apartment blocks, and said nearly 80 civilians were killed in attacks that targeted nuclear scientists in their beds and wounded more than 300 people. Iran's ability to retaliate with weapons fired by its regional proxies has been degraded over the past year, with the downfall of its ally Bashar al-Assad in Syria and the decimation of Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza. Air raid sirens sounded in Jerusalem on Friday evening, and Israel said it had detected the launch of a missile from Yemen, whose Houthi militia are one of the last remaining Iranian-aligned groups still capable of firing at Israel. 'Cowardly' Israel said that Iran had launched around 100 drones towards Israeli territory on Friday, but Iran denied this and there were no reports of drones reaching Israeli targets. The United Nations Security Council was due to meet on Friday at Tehran's request. Iran said in a letter to the Council that it would respond decisively and proportionally to Israel's 'unlawful' and 'cowardly' acts. The price of crude LCOc1 leapt on fears of wider retaliatory attacks across a major oil-producing region, although there were no reports that oil production or storage was damaged. OPEC said the escalation did not justify any immediate changes to oil supply. An Israeli security source said Mossad commandos had been operating deep inside the Islamic Republic before the attack, and the Israeli spy agency and military had mounted a series of covert operations against Iran's strategic missile array. Israel also established an attack-drone base near Tehran, the source added. The military said it had bombarded Iran's air defenses, destroying 'dozens of radars and surface-to-air missile launchers.' Israeli officials said it may be some time before the extent of damage to the underground nuclear site at Natanz is clear, where Iran has refined uranium to levels Western countries have long said are suitable for a bomb rather than civilian use. Iran has long insisted its nuclear program is for civilian purposes only. The UN nuclear watchdog concluded this week that it was in violation of its obligations under the global non-proliferation treaty. Tehran had been engaged in talks with the Trump administration on a deal to curb its nuclear program to replace one that Trump abandoned in 2018. Tehran had rejected the last US offer.
Arab News
17 minutes ago
- Arab News
How much longer can Netanyahu survive in power?
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has just dodged a bullet. On Thursday, the Knesset held a vote that could have dissolved the parliament and forced snap elections. However, 61 members voted against the bill and only 53 voted in favor. This is despite a majority of Israelis (57 percent) wanting early elections. Again, Netanyahu has proved he is a political survivor. During Israel's post-Oct. 7 war on Gaza, a lot of scrutiny has been placed on the exemption from military service for the Haredim, ultra-Orthodox seminary students. The coalition government's two ultra-Orthodox parties had threatened to leave the government and back the vote to dissolve the Knesset if the exemption from military service was not added to a draft bill on the Israeli military. Netanyahu's government is made up of his Likud party, far-right groups led by the likes of Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir, and the ultra-Orthodox parties. The coalition was experiencing a crisis. The far-right groups wanted to remove the privilege from the ultra-Orthodox groups, as they want the Haredim to be drafted for the Gaza war. With the bill's defeat, Netanyahu will be able to spend more time in power, as the polls are predicting he would lose if early elections were held. Netanyahu is a survivor, a true political animal. Regardless of the circumstances, he never throws in the towel. He knows how to stay in the game, no matter the cost. Netanyahu has been facing multiple corruption charges for years. Former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert was thrown in jail for corruption. He was convicted of bribery and obstruction of justice. But those charges are considered minor compared to Netanyahu's long list of alleged misdeeds. However, Netanyahu has so far been able to skillfully dodge every allegation. Netanyahu is a survivor, a true political animal. Regardless of the circumstances, he never throws in the towel Dr. Dania Koleilat Khatib The current PM even changed the balance of power in the system in order to protect himself. In the year that preceded the start of the Gaza war, he introduced a bill that sought to remove the Supreme Court's supervision of government decisions. He subjugated the judicial system to make sure he remained above the law. Protests erupted in Tel Aviv as a result. They were supported by the opposition, former intelligence and military officers, former justices and community leaders. Protesters demanded Netanyahu's resignation. His judicial overhaul created a big rift in Israeli society. Israeli President Isaac Herzog warned that the country faced 'societal collapse.' But Netanyahu did not seem to care. His political survival was more important. The Oct. 7 attacks gave Netanyahu the perfect excuse to remain in power. The country was at war. However, that day also brought against him the ultimate charge: he was accused of negligence and allowing Oct. 7 to happen. However, instead of accepting personal and political responsibility, he tried to scapegoat his lieutenants. He shifted the blame to the military and the intelligence services. The war became a good excuse to delay talks about his corruption and his failures. Netanyahu needs the war to continue. Donald Trump, even though he was Netanyahu's preferred candidate in last year's US presidential election, brought a new hurdle. In his campaign, Trump promised to end all wars, including the one in Ukraine and the one in the Middle East. In the days before his inauguration in January, he sent his envoy, Steve Witkoff, to Tel Aviv and a ceasefire was put in place. Netanyahu ultimately broke the ceasefire in March as he wanted to keep his coalition together. Ben-Gvir had left the government and Smotrich threatened to do the same, breaking the coalition, if the war were to permanently end. In this case, the country would hold new elections and Netanyahu might lose. So, he resumed the war — even though continuing the war defeated the purpose of why it started. The war was launched with the aim of saving the hostages, but Israeli attacks endanger them. The more Gaza is bombed, the more the hostages still held in Gaza are prone to being hit. For now, his ultimate goal is to keep his partners in the coalition happy, as he needs to survive as long as possible Dr. Dania Koleilat Khatib Netanyahu is navigating this war with no strategy. His only goal is to survive for another day, as he knows that he may go to jail the day he is out of power. He has so many skeletons. The corruption charges were first, but the second set of charges he faces are over the negligence that led to Oct. 7. However, he is a master of deflection. He is losing the war but he can always find a stunt to boost his approval for a while, like the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran last July. He knows what tactics to employ to remain in power. He knows which is the element he most needs to please at a certain moment and who he needs to scapegoat. He knows how to play his allies off against each other to create a balance that ensures he remains on top. For now, his ultimate goal is to keep his partners in the coalition happy, as he needs to survive as long as possible. Netanyahu is very much like Bashar Assad. The reason they were both able to hold on to power for so long is that there was no graceful exit available. Assad was lucky in that he was able to escape to Russia. But only so far. Russia could always turn him in to Damascus if it would clinch a deal with new Syrian President Ahmad Al-Sharaa. For Netanyahu, if he leaves power, he will go to jail. He will have no graceful exit. There are many similarities between Assad and Netanyahu. Both are political animals solely focused on survival, regardless of what happens to their countries. They are both tactical, pleasing the party they need to stay alive at any particular moment, juggling between allies. The same way Assad played the Russians off against the Iranians, Netanyahu has been able to skillfully balance between the ultra-Orthodox and the far-right groups in his coalition — for now. However, these short-term tactics are not sustainable. In the end, Assad fell, and Netanyahu will too. • Dr. Dania Koleilat Khatib is a specialist in US-Arab relations with a focus on lobbying. She is co-founder of the Research Center for Cooperation and Peace Building, a Lebanese nongovernmental organization focused on Track II.
Arab News
30 minutes ago
- Arab News
Why Egypt blocked the Global March to Gaza
Thousands of activists arrived in Egypt in early June on a mission to march from North Sinai to the Rafah border crossing, demanding an end to Israel's blockade on Gaza and the delivery of humanitarian aid. The Global March to Gaza brought together participants from over 40 countries, including the US, European nations, and North African states in a striking display of solidarity with the Palestinian people. But as the convoy advanced toward Egypt's eastern frontier, it was met with a firm response. Dozens of foreign activists were detained upon arrival in Cairo, questioned at airports, and in many cases deported before the march could even begin. Some critics saw this reaction as incompatible with Egypt's long-standing support for the Palestinian cause. But this interpretation oversimplifies a complex reality. Egypt's stance was neither a rejection of Gaza nor a withdrawal of support. It was a reaffirmation that solidarity must operate within the framework of state sovereignty, national security, and the rule of law. The area surrounding Rafah is not ordinary terrain. It lies within the Sinai Peninsula, where there has been years of terrorism and military operations. For over a decade, Egyptian forces have fought extremist terrorist groups there, and the region remains under heightened military alert. In such a context, the presence of thousands of foreign demonstrators, however peaceful their purpose, posed a tangible risk. Unregulated gatherings near a militarized border could become targets for violence, be exploited by hostile actors, or unintentionally trigger confrontation. Egyptian authorities were clear: they reserve the right to regulate the movement of individuals within their territory, especially in sensitive areas. On the eve of the planned march, the Foreign Ministry affirmed Egypt's right to take all necessary measures to safeguard national security. The message was unambiguous: expressions of international solidarity are welcome, but not at the expense of Egypt's stability or sovereignty. Cairo's approach must be understood in light of its consistent position on Gaza. Egypt has played a leading role in facilitating aid, diplomacy, and humanitarian coordination since the current conflict began. It was among the first Arab states to call for a ceasefire and for expanded access for humanitarian assistance. When Rafah was open, Egypt facilitated the passage of medical aid and evacuees through its side of the border. The Egyptian Red Crescent has been the key operator of relief supplies. It is Israel's closure of the Gaza side of the crossing that has prevented the steady flow of aid, not any failure on Egypt's part. Nevertheless, Egypt insists that any form of engagement near its borders must follow legal and administrative procedures. Foreign delegations must obtain authorization to access areas such as Rafah. Mass protests in a restricted military zone, however well-intentioned, are not seen as legitimate means of pressure. This is not an attempt to suppress activism, but to preserve a functional and secure border in a volatile environment. Egypt's position would probably be echoed by any sovereign nation under similar conditions. At the heart of this stance lies a critical truth: Egypt rejects any implication that it should assume responsibility for Gaza's fate, especially if that means opening its territory to mass displacement. Cairo has consistently resisted proposals that could turn Sinai into a refuge for Palestinians fleeing Israeli aggression. The concern is not driven by a lack of empathy, but by a strategic imperative to prevent demographic shifts that might absolve Israel of its legal obligations to the Palestinian population. Egypt supports Gaza's people not by dismantling borders, but by defending the principle that they belong in their homeland, with their rights intact. From Egypt's perspective, the symbolic act of marching on Rafah misses a key point: the power to open or close the crossing lies with Israel. Since May 2024, Israeli forces have sealed the Gaza side of Rafah, preventing not only aid deliveries but also the exit of injured civilians and medical teams. In this context, Egypt sees mass mobilization at its own gate as misdirected. No amount of protest on the Egyptian side can physically unlock a door shut by the Israeli military. The energy of international solidarity, Egypt argues, would be better spent lobbying the governments of the world to pressure Israel directly to end the blockade. The situation presents Egypt with a difficult balancing act. On one hand, it faces pressure from global civil society, humanitarian organizations and a sympathetic public outraged by Gaza's suffering. On the other, it must navigate the demands of regional stability, Israeli sensitivities, and Western diplomatic concerns. Days before the scheduled demonstration, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant called publicly on Egypt to stop the marchers, branding them 'jihadists' and warning of threats to Israeli forces. Western governments, too, entered into quiet conversations with Cairo. France, for instance, contacted Egyptian officials regarding detained nationals, implicitly recognizing Egypt's right to enforce laws on its territory. In the end, the gathering was halted, not out of hostility to Gaza, but in defense of national order and legal responsibility. Egypt's response underscores a broader principle: the state is not governed by emotion alone, but by a rational balance of values, security, and sovereignty. Cairo's actions do not represent a retreat from supporting Gaza. Rather, they reflect an effort to channel that support in ways that preserve regional stability and protect the state's role as a responsible actor. What Egypt seeks now, and what the international solidarity movement must consider, is cooperation, not confrontation. The shared goals remain: ending the siege of Gaza, delivering aid, and securing justice for the Palestinian people. But to achieve this, engagement must be structured, lawful, and politically intelligent. Solidarity must remain strong, but also mature — anchored in realism, not spectacle; coordination, not disruption. In today's fraught geopolitical climate, working with Egypt, not against it, may be the surest path to meaningful impact. • Dr. Abdellatif El-Menawy has covered conflicts worldwide. X: @ALMenawy
