Slew of bills sail through upper house
The bill to amend the CPEC Authority Act 2022 was presented by Senator Abdul Qadir. The house passed the bill unanimously. The bill to amend the Provincial Motor Vehicles Ordinance 1965, presented by Senator Mohsin Aziz, was also approved. It was originally introduced by Senator Shahadat Awan.
The bill to amend the Pakistan Names and Emblems (Unauthorized Use) Act, 1957 was also approved in 2023. This bill was also introduced by Senator Shahadat Awan of the PPP. The Senate also passed a bill for the prevention of child marriages amid protest by the JUI-F.
The National Commission for the Status of Women (Amendment) Bill 2025, presented by Senator Samina Mumtaz Zehri, was withdrawn. Similarly, the bill to amend the Human Rights Act 2012, also presented by Senator Zehri, was withdrawn.
Earlier, a bill to amend the Indecent Advertisements Act 1963 was introduced in the house by Senator Afnan Ullah and was referred to the relevant committee.
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Express Tribune
11 hours ago
- Express Tribune
PTI's slide, from populism to political isolation
A year ago, August 5 would have plunged the Twin Cities into chaos. Roads would have been sealed and containers mounted, yet crowds would have been roaring in protest. But on August 5 this year, the anniversary of Imran Khan's arrest from Islamabad in 2023, the streets of Rawalpindi and Islamabad remained calm, undisturbed by the opposition's call for a protest. Only scattered police mobiles, prison vans and a visible security presence dotted major intersections and, that too, not to manage unrest but to watch over the conspicuous silence. This marked not just a shift in public response but symbolised a deeper collapse within the country's once-largest and loudest political force: the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI). The very day the party hoped to reignite street resistance on the second anniversary of its founding chairman's incarceration, it turned into one of the darkest day for the party as its remaining top parliamentary leaders in the Senate, National Assembly and Punjab Assembly were disqualified and de-notified in connection with the judgment of the May 9 riots' cases. Politically and geographically, the party that once claimed unmatched public support and alleged institutional blessings is now apparently confined to Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, where it still holds power. Elsewhere, PTI has largely been wiped off the mainstream political map. One example of it is its failure to mobilise people for August 5 protest, which the party supremo had desired to exert pressure on the PMLN-led government and the powerful stakeholders for his release. As the irony would have it, Imran Khan had given a final call for his release last November, which had failed too. PTI's political decay has been anything but sudden. The party, once riding high on populist slogans and support from powerful quarters, began losing ground after the events of May 9, 2023, when violent protests erupted following Imran Khan's arrest. For the first time in history, military installations were attacked, triggering what would become a decisive turning point. In the aftermath, a sweeping crackdown followed, with mass arrests and party leaders forced to switch party, abandon politics or disassociate from the party altogether. As the top-tier leaders vanished from the scene under duress, defection, court proceedings or because of being thrown in jail, the party's internal coordination shattered. Yet, despite crackdowns, the party workers continued to come out to support in big numbers until recently. However, the continuous disarray in the party and the leadership's absence when rank-and-file workers faced arrests or prosecutions started creating gap between the people and the party leadership. This repeated pattern of abandonment has not gone unnoticed within PTI's support base, which once prided itself on being ideologically driven and deeply loyal, both on social media and on the ground. However, the absence of organised resistance on the symbolic August 5, when Imran Khan urged the party to rise in protest, showcased just how far PTI has fallen from its former position of street dominance. To add insult to injury, the disqualification of opposition leaders from the Senate, National Assembly and Punjab Assembly as well as parliamentary leader further demonstrated PTI's decline inside legislative houses. With the removal of its parliamentary leadership, the party now finds itself unable to influence legislation, challenge government policy or even issue symbolic dissent within parliamentary bounds. This parliamentary vacuum has come on the heels of the Supreme Court's recent decision on reserved seats, which handed a crucial advantage to the ruling alliance. The court ruled in favour of awarding reserved seats, previously meant for PTI, to parties within the ruling coalition. As a result, the PMLN emerged as the single largest party in the National Assembly while the ruling alliance now enjoys a two-thirds majority. PTI's failure to maintain internal cohesion and external alliances has left it directionless. Instead of holding talks with the political elite, it has repeatedly said that it only wishes to hold talks with the powerful stakeholders. However, the response from the other side has so far been extremely cold. Once seen as cordial, the party's relationship with the establishment is now completely fractured. From being perceived as a product of tacit institutional support, PTI is now an example of what political isolation in Pakistan looks like. Though the party is in power in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, it is still under pressure. Its previous attempts to organise major activities beyond KP have constantly been met with pre-emptive state action like arrests, bans, and curbs on public gatherings. Last September, after holding a rally in the capital, the law enforcement officials barged into the Parliament to arrest PTI lawmakers for flouting a law on political rallies. Subsequently, the party only managed to reach the capital in November, but only to abandon the party workers and without gaining anything. Since then, it tried to flex muscles and announced that the protest movement would start soon after Eid but that never happened. Lack of clarity on future course of action, party leadership's inability to craft a post-Imran political narrative, grouping in the party and almost no control of the incumbent party chairman over its members have all contributed to its current paralysis. Currently, with Imran Khan in jail and his appeals zigzagging through the courts, the party's entire political strategy remains centered on his personality but disconnected from political realities. In contrast, the PMLN-led ruling coalition has capitalised on PTI's weaknesses. With the opposition effectively sidelined, the government has moved to consolidate power both legally and politically. With the 26th constitutional amendment, the ruling alliance changed the judicial structure and the process of appointing the top judge of the country by nominating the chief justice from among the most senior judges, rather than the most senior judge automatically assuming the position. Additionally, the court decision on reserved seats handed not just numbers but legitimacy to the alliance and rumours are that it was gearing up for another constitutional amendment. By avoiding major political controversies and projecting a narrative of stability and economic recovery as well as victory over India in the recent war, the ruling alliance is now busy crafting the image of a functioning and united government, even though governance issues persist. For now, the political arena seems to be a one-sided contest. With a crippled opposition, a solid parliamentary majority and little visible public resistance, the ruling alliance appears to have full control, at least until the next major shift. PTI's downfall is not just about arrests or disqualifications. It's about a party that lost its organisational discipline, confronted the very forces that once helped it rise only to demand the same thing again and failed to protect or rally its support base when it mattered most. From dominating national headlines to being pushed to the margins, PTI's journey over the last few years is a study in political reversal. And with no clear path forward, no functioning top-tier leadership and no signs of reconciliation with power centres, the party that once ruled from Islamabad now watches from the sidelines; increasingly limited to KP. For now, the streets are quiet, the opposition is broken and the ruling coalition reigns unchallenged.
Express Tribune
20 hours ago
- Express Tribune
Committee constituted to check cannabis misuse
Listen to article In a bid to check the misuse of cannabis and market manipulation, the government has formed a high-level committee to examine the proposed National Cannabis Control and Regulatory Policy, 2025 carefully from the perspective of international best practices. The cabinet, in a recent meeting, constituted the committee, led by the minister for defence. During discussion, while appreciating the timely formulation of the national cannabis policy, aimed at reaping economic benefits from the regulated cultivation of its plants and the manufacturing and sale of its derivatives for medicinal and industrial use, the cabinet observed that it was for the first time that such a policy was being introduced in Pakistan. Therefore, it was necessary to examine it very carefully to ensure that no loophole was left in the policy framework, which could be exploited and undermine the purpose and objectives of the policy. The committee will scrutinise the proposed policy framework to identify and remove loopholes, if any. It will assess the adequacy of safeguards to prevent the misuse of cannabis plants, its products or derivatives along the supply chain. It will also estimate the optimal human resources requirement of the Cannabis Control and Regulatory Authority, including financial implications. The committee will identify any overlaps or incompatibilities between federal and provincial policies or administrative or legal domains that require resolution, and examine any matter ancillary to the policy. The federal government will, from time to time, prepare and prescribe a national policy governing all aspects of the cannabis plant market from cultivation to sale and production as well as export and import of cannabis or its derivatives. It may seek input and assistance from the regulatory authority and provincial governments. The cabinet was informed that the Cannabis Control and Regulatory Authority had initially submitted a draft National Cannabis Policy, 2025 to regulate its cultivation and promote new cultivation sites for medicinal and industrial purposes as well as development of the value chain from cultivation to product manufacturing. The policy had been approved by all stakeholders, including all provincial governments, in the eighth meeting of the apex committee of the Special Investment Facilitation Council (SIFC) and endorsed by the board of governors of the regulatory authority on December 26, 2024, following which the board advised its submission to the cabinet for approval, as stipulated under Section 13 of the Act. It was brought to the cabinet's notice that through a letter dated February 7, 2025, the Cabinet Division requested the regulatory authority to resubmit the National Cannabis Policy, 2025 after review by the newly appointed director general of the authority. Later, the authority submitted a refined version of the draft policy titled "National Cannabis Control and Regulatory Policy, 2025," after review by the DG and endorsement by the board of governors. The draft policy was submitted to the prime minister, who gave directives to seek input from provincial governments and get the policy vetted by the Law Division. In compliance with the directives, the regulatory authority, through a letter dated May 29, 2025, submitted the following: The authority has ensured full compliance with Section 13 of the Cannabis Control and Regulatory Authority Act, 2024 and the National Cannabis Control and Regulatory Policy, 2025 has undergone extensive deliberations across three sessions of the board of governors held on August 7, 2024, December 26, 2024 and April 9, 2025. The final approval was unanimously granted during the third board of governors' meeting. These sessions were attended by all federal and provincial representatives, including the ex-officio members from the respective provincial governments. The cabinet was also informed that the Ministry of Law had endorsed the draft policy. The regulatory authority's DG gave a detailed presentation, including the background, objectives, administrative structure, licensing regime and execution framework to operationalise the policy and the envisaged modes of financing.
Express Tribune
20 hours ago
- Express Tribune
Govt presses China on Gwadar plan
Listen to article Pakistan has urged Chinese operators of Gwadar Port and its free zone to fulfil their contractual obligations by submitting a time-bound business plan for industrialisation, aiming to make the jewel of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) fully operational. The issue of delays in fulfilling the Concession Agreement commitments by China Overseas Port Holding Company (COPHC) was raised during a meeting of the CPEC joint working group on Gwadar. The session took place more than a month before Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif's scheduled visit to China for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit. According to government sources, Chinese officials were informed that Pakistan was still awaiting a comprehensive business plan for the Gwadar Free Zone. Islamabad asked for the investment schedule, performance indicators, and operational forecasts to guide industrialisation. Pakistan stressed the urgency of finalising the design, financing, construction, operation, and maintenance of the north free zone. They called for a clear, time-bound implementation strategy to transform Gwadar into a competitive transshipment hub and regional transit gateway, said the Ministry of Planning authorities. In August 2021, The Express Tribune reported that the Cabinet Committee on CPEC had found the Chinese marketing plan for Gwadar Port unsatisfactory. The matter has remained unresolved, although other projects, such as the international airport, allied services, and the first phase of the Eastbay Expressway, have progressed. Pakistan urged COPHC to fully utilise the port by developing a ship-refuelling facility, LPG terminal, and ship-to-ship refuelling operations. Officials noted that Gwadar Port and its free zone remain underperforming due to multiple issues. They called for an investment and marketing plan with clear timelines and roadshows to attract strategic Chinese investors and industries, added sources. Chinese representatives countered that the port needs more resources for sustainable operations. They proposed increasing shipping routes, policy support, and transit trade, and diverting part of Karachi Port's cargo to Gwadar. Pakistan has already implemented supporting policies to operationalise the port, yet COPHC has not prioritised the north free zone's development and industrialisation. During the meeting, Gwadar Port authorities pushed for expedited construction of roads, water, and power infrastructure in the north free zone. To make the port economically viable, Pakistan has withdrawn the bank guarantee requirement for Afghan transit cargo. It has also granted exemptions from the Export Policy Order to prospective Chinese investors, allowing the export of potassium sulphate. According to the new regulation notified by the Ministry of Commerce, two Chinese companies, Agven Private Limited and Hangeng Trade Company Private Limited, have been allowed to export the fertiliser. Authorities believe that building the breakwater and dredging berthing areas will require significant funds. These investments would not be viable without first expediting transshipment operations, cargo throughput, and business activity. Some progress has been made elsewhere. Feasibility studies for the Gwadar Railway link and the second phase of the Eastbay Expressway, a 13.5km project, were completed in December last year. The completion of the second phase of this project will improve connectivity between the port and Gwadar International Airport. Pakistan has proposed signing the framework agreement for this phase either during the prime minister's visit or at the 14th Joint Cooperation Committee meeting. Negotiations with China are planned to secure grants for the Eastbay Expressway project. Islamabad also urged Beijing to meet remaining development responsibilities under the concession agreement. These include building the internal infrastructure of the north free zone, submitting a five-year business plan, and quickly operationalising port-based value-added services. Chinese experts visited Gwadar in July last year to address bottlenecks. They identified poor connectivity, inadequate utilities, and trade barriers as major issues. They acknowledged Pakistan's efforts over the past year to speed up operations, including regulatory approvals, support for transshipment, and tax exemptions. Chinese officials acknowledged Pakistan's measures over the past year to accelerate the operationalisation of Gwadar Port and the free zone, including regulatory approvals, support for transshipment, and tax exemptions, the sources said. Pakistan has committed to routing 60% of all public sector cargo through Gwadar. It has facilitated Afghan transit trade, allowed up to 50% of export proceeds to be used in foreign currency, and withdrawn the minimum turnover tax. However, China has asked Pakistan to further increase the public sector cargo share beyond the agreed 60%, said sources. Officials reported that electricity and water supply infrastructure is now complete for both the north and south free zones. These zones are connected to the national grid via the Gwadar grid. A desalination plant producing 1.2 million gallons per day is fully operational, with two dedicated water supply lines laid to the north free zone's doorstep.
