Italy can ‘no longer accept carnage and famine' in Gaza, foreign minister says
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Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani said Friday his country cannot accept "carnage and famine" in Gaza, criticising Israel but stating that Italy was not ready to recognise the state of Palestine, like France plans to do. Italy's hard-right government has been criticised by the opposition for its stance on Israel but, like many EU countries, has become increasingly concerned about the humanitarian situation in Gaza.
"We can no longer accept carnage and famine," Tajani said, according to Italy's ANSA news agency. The Italian deputy prime minister added that Rome can only recognise Palestine "at the same time as their recognition of the state of Israel".
"The time has come for an immediate ceasefire," Tajani said, speaking at a political party congress.
Tajani used the word "famine" as aid groups warned of starvation spreading in Gaza and as Britain, France, and Germany were to hold an "emergency call" on the crisis.
Late on Thursday, France said it would recognise the state of Palestine during a September UN meeting.
On Wednesday, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni called the situation in Gaza "dramatic".
"No military action can justify attacks against civilians," she said.
(vib)
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What follows is an edited transcript. Euractiv: Looking at the bigger picture, how do you view the apparent shift in EU migration policy, with more and more member states pushing for a tougher migration policy? Schinas: The way that migration policy evolves at national and European level is not the result of an experiment that is taking place in a laboratory. Policy follows what the people and the voters want. People across Europe – and I would say across political families – want more order on migration and on migration management. They want procedures, controls, border management. They want solidarity [between EU countries], and they want returns. Many are highlighting a newfound sense of unity on migration. That is quite striking, considering that just a few years ago, putting migration on the EUCO agenda would have triggered major divisions. I fully agree with you that we have now a new... how should I call this? In French, we would call it a 'prise de conscience' [awakening] around migration. I'm very happy to see that this is not only happening, but it's intensifying, and permeates policy beyond migration. It goes into foreign policy, development policy, the way we spend our money in third countries... and all of this is good. Do you think the concept of return hubs would have been possible just five years ago? I understand that there is a political market that wants to explore these return hubs and extraterritorial solutions. I do not oppose it in principle, but I don't think that it's something that's easy to do. From a legal standpoint? From all points of view, judging from what I saw and what I tried to do over the last five years. My advice would be: It would be okay to explore, but it would be a mistake to chase an objective not doable in the short term, or raise expectations. I'm not sure that this is the way to proceed. I belong to a school of thought that policy should be based on what is feasible. You coordinated the Commission's work on the new pact from 2019 to 2024. How do you assess progress so far, considering that several member states still haven't submitted their national strategies? I think that you cannot answer this without looking at how European migration policy was in the past [before 2019]. The short answer is: there wasn't any. We had repeated attempts and efforts that have all failed. The only thing that we had was this obligatory relocation scheme, taking people from Italy and Greece following the collapse of Syria [in 2015, Europe experienced a significant migration crisis, largely driven by a surge in refugees fleeing conflict and instability in Syria and other countries]. I'm very proud that, at the end of my mandate, we managed to have the first ever regulatory framework for migration and asylum. I have no doubt that everything that is happening – now or next year when the pact come into force – will be a huge improvement compared to the situation back in December 2019. Still, Poland and Hungary are staunchly against the new pact. If they don't implement it, do they risk jeopardising the whole approach? There have been some objections, but I think it's fair to say that these objections did not materialise – unlike in 2015 – into a block on the pact. Each member state's position is legitimate. However, I would say that these have been stances of member states [Hungary, Poland] wanting to make a point on where they stand on migration – rather than blocking Europe from having a comprehensive migration policy. It is very telling that we may have lost Warsaw and Budapest, but we have won Giorgia Meloni's Rome. I am optimistic that this will not hinder or prevent the pact's implementation. Do you see potential for the consensus to crumble once hard numbers – such as for the Solidarity Pool in October – are on the table? I do not agree. We have put so much time, effort, and resources into this European regulatory approach. It would be suicidal for Europe to arrive at the point that we are now and then begin undoing it. I fail to see who will be well served by doing this. The only people that would be happy if we fail to live up to our regulatory commitments would be those who want to destroy Europe – the Le Pen's and the Mélenchon's of this world... the Podemos and the Vox. The ones who have been consistently attacking the pact and calling for its demolition are the extremes – both on the right and the left. I want to be clear that I don't put Warsaw and Budapest in this spot; it's another league. With their stances, they want to remind us, how they view migration policy. 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