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Unease grips Bangladesh amid protests in civil administration over interim govt policies
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United News of India
2 days ago
- United News of India
Former B'desh PM Hasina announces 21-point demand for rebuilding nation
Dhaka, Aug 11 (UNI) Former Bangladesh Prime Minister and leader of the Awami League party Sheikh Hasina has declared a 21-point demand to rebuild the nation in order to tackle the socio-political and economic crisis that has gripped it, and restore the country's democratic structure. The party, taking to social media today, wrote: 'The Bengali nation — victorious in the Great Liberation War under the leadership of the Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman—is today ravaged and imperilled by the monstrous rampage of extremist communal-terrorist forces and foreign agents. It is as if the land has become a wounded, blood-soaked battlefield.' The now-banned political party accused the interim government of Chief Advisor Mohammed Yunus of turning all of Bangladesh into a prison, an execution ground, a valley of death, as per the party's media-wing, the Daily Republic. 'The beloved, fertile land of rivers and crops has been discoloured by the all-devouring demonic activities of the public enemy—murderer, fascist, usurer, money-launderer, embezzler, looter, and corrupt, power-hungry Yunus,' the party stated. Alleging that ever since Bangabandhu's daughter – who had successfully transformed the country into a rising power – was overthrown by 'meticulous design' by CA Yunus and his 'anti-national' cohorts, 'the people of the country have faced extreme oppression, brutality, and a reign of terror. 'Democracy is now in exile, human rights are trampled, media freedom is gone, and there is rampant violence against women, assaults, and rapes. People's lives and property are unsafe; religious minorities continue to face persecution; and law and order have collapsed.' The party added that the rule of law has all but collapsed, from the furthest rural corners to the most polished of urban areas, with religious extremism rising rampantly, mob lynchings, extortions, and chaos becoming the new norm, as extremists continue their harassment of minorities unchecked. 'In this extreme crisis, the entire nation must unite under the spirit of the Liberation War to remove the foreign-serving murderer-fascist Yunus and his puppet government. At any cost, brave Bengalis must restore and protect the Constitution written in the blood of '71, independence, sovereignty, and democracy.' Urging all democratic, progressive, non-communal individuals and organisations to stand together to build a liberal, democratic, humane welfare state and strongly resist the anti-national activities of 'public enemy Yunus and his clique', the Awami League called for the complete reconstruction of the country and all its institutions, in keeping with the spirit of the Liberation War. The 21-demand calls for protection of religious minorities, revocation of all cases against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's family, resignation of Yunus and investigation into his power seizing, ending violence in education, unconditional release of all Awami League leaders, activists, or other dissenting political voices in detention, abolition of the International Crimes Tribunal, stopping the slander of Bangabandhu, restoring press freedom, stop the handover of St. Martin's Island to foreign powers, lower prices on essentials, guarantee women security etc. UNI ANV SSP
India Today
4 days ago
- India Today
Bangladesh and Myanmar polls will test India's alliances, borders and connectivity plans
India's two eastern neighbours, Bangladesh and Myanmar, are likely to hold elections at the end of this year or the beginning of next year under controversial circumstances, with doubts over whether the polls will ease or worsen the will surely closely monitor what happens. One, because both nations have been through extensive turmoil in recent times, raising much uncertainty in India's eastern neighbourhood; and two, it faces multiple challenges emanating from developments in these war and mobocracyMyanmar has collapsed into a full-blown civil war with multiple armed groups joining the fight to topple the military junta that seized power through the February 2021 coup. In the last two years, the military junta has lost control over nearly half the country's territory to multiple ethnic rebel armies supported by armed resistance groups. And Bangladesh descended into a lawless mobocracy after the ouster of the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5 last year. An unelected interim government headed by Mohammed Yunus has run the show so far, unleashing a wave of vendetta-driven retribution against the Awami League and its allies. Radical Islamist forces have also gained a new lease of life with the Yunus administration releasing convicted terrorists like Ansarullah Bangla Team chief Jashimuddin Rahmani, who had been nabbed and jailed during Hasina's tenure in pollsYunus has usually been cagey about announcing a clear electoral roadmap despite much pressure from the army. Even in his August 5 address to the nation, marking the first anniversary of Hasina's ouster, Yunus pointed to polls in February next year if 'all goes well'.Chief Election Commissioner AMM Nasiruddin made a more definite announcement about Parliament polls in February, 'despite many difficulties'. And by all indications, Yunus has been the his meeting with Bangladesh Nationalist Party acting chairperson Tarique Rahman in London two months ago, Yunus indicated possible polls in early February, but with a big rider — only if some much-desired reforms were completed by then. He earlier suggested polls for June 2026, something BNP leaders opposed as 'unviable" for many reasons, annual monsoon floods being the most is trying to drive a hard bargain with the BNP over seat-sharing so that it is compelled to leave out at least 50 seats in the 300-member Jatiyo Sangsad (Parliament) for the Jamaat-e-Islami and as many for the newly-formed National Citizens Party (NCP) and other smaller Islamic parties. The BNP has been in coalition with the Jamaat-e-Islami before, but many top leaders are keen to go it alone Jamaat-e-Islami has a blemished past, having collaborated with the Pakistan army during the 1971 Liberation War. Hence, many BNP leaders want to leave it out to strengthen nationalist credentials. But the Jamaat-e-Islami has emerged as Yunus's strongest backer, alongside the NCP, which is led by the student-youth brigade that brought him to power after Hasina's ouster. Yunus seems obliged to protect their ambitionsA winning coalition with a big enough bloc of core supporters is also seen as critical to help Yunus emerge as a unanimous choice for president. As president, Yunus, now 85, will have enough influence on policy but will be spared the stress of routine daily importantly, it will guarantee him immunity from future prosecution. He has already faced legal suits during Hasina's time and could be pulled up in the future by an unfavourable can Yunus live up to his promise of organising truly free and fair polls if the Awami League is not allowed to contest? Denying the Awami League the opportunity because of Hasina's 'authoritarian rule' would be like denying the Congress the right to contest elections because of the Emergency in the lifts emergencyUnlike Yunus, the Myanmar military junta seems to be in a hurry to hold elections. Junta chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing lifted the state of emergency in late July to prepare for national elections, likely to be held in phases in December and January. Under the 2008 Constitution, the government is required to hold elections within six months of lifting the late July, the National Defence and Security Council dissolved the State Administration Council, the junta's official name. Its replacement, the State Security and Peace Commission, is chaired by Min Aung Hlaing, who also remains acting president. According to a regime order published in The Global New Light of Myanmar, the commission's purpose is to 'coordinate efforts for national defence, security and tranquility as well as ensure the successful holding of a multiparty democratic election'. It will exercise executive, legislative, and judicial powers until it nominally hands the reins to the winner of the planned Hlaing remains acting president and commander-in-chief of the military, there is little doubt that the government changes are cosmetic and merely to appear more palatable to the international community ahead of the election. Many doubt whether the junta can truly hold representative elections, as most democratic parties — including Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy — as well as powerful ethnic rebel groups, are likely to boycott the for the junta supremo, who recently tried to warm up to US President Donald Trump despite remaining dependent on China for sheer survival, the elections may be an important part of his charm offensive. He may feel encouraged by the Trump administration lifting sanctions on some companies owned by Burmese military for IndiaIf elections in Bangladesh and Myanmar lead to political stability and help India secure strong working relations with whoever comes to power, Delhi should have good reasons to welcome the hustings. Unfortunately, that is not how the proposed polls are likely to pan assuming Yunus stitches together a coalition comprising the BNP, the Jamaat-e-Islami, the NCP, and other smaller Islamic parties, and emerges as the next president, an election without the Awami League will be considered less than participatory. The League has ruled the country for half its post-independent history and still commands a formidable the polls were free and fair and the Awami League could contest without fear of persecution, most of their top leaders, including Sheikh Hasina, would have gone back to the country. Rather, they will likely try to remain in India and pursue political activities, something the Yunus dispensation objects to - he has been pressuring India to extradite Sheikh Hasina to stand trial in the many cases filed against will then be caught between the contrasting pulls of either sheltering a trusted ally and upsetting a successor government or dumping a long-standing ally to forge working relations with a regime whose attitude towards India may still be influenced by Delhi's past bonhomie with the Awami League. It is caught between the devil and the deep sea. A situation aptly summed up by a Bengali proverb about 'losing both the mangoes and the sacks.'Conversely, the junta in Myanmar wants participatory elections, but major parties and armed ethnic groups don't — they want a complete change in national polity by ending those provisions of the 2008 Constitution that gives the army lots of power. And no settlement that sends the army back to the barracks will be acceptable to if polls don't lead to peace and an end to the civil war, India will still be left with huge uncertainties over its crucial connectivity projects like the Kaladan Multimodal Transport corridor and the Golden Trilateral Highway connecting Northeast India with Thailand through Myanmar. Fighting in Myanmar's border states with India will continue to trigger refugee influxes and possible linkages between rebel groups. Fencing this difficult border is easier said than done — it is time-consuming, costly, and far less effective than many would imagine.(Subir Bhaumik is a former BBC and Reuters correspondent and author who has worked in Bangladesh as a senior editor with Ends(Views expressed in this opinion piece are those of the author)Must Watch
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First Post
05-08-2025
- First Post
One year after Hasina ouster, how Yunus' Bangladesh has bridged the gap with Pakistan
One year after Sheikh Hasina's dramatic exit, Bangladesh under interim leader Muhammad Yunus has forged stronger ties with Pakistan in trade and defence. As Dhaka repositions itself away from New Delhi's orbit, the evolving relationship with Islamabad raises questions for India read more Bangladesh Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus (R) holds a bilateral meeting with Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on the sidelines of the D-8 summit in Cairo, Egypt on December 19, 2024. Image/X-ChiefAdviserGoB One this day last year, a mass uprising gripped Bangladesh as the long-serving Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was forced to step down and flee to India. The wave of unrest, which initially stemmed from discontent over government job quota reforms, quickly morphed into a widespread movement challenging Hasina's leadership of 15 years. The situation escalated when security forces, allegedly acting on the prime minister's orders, unleashed violent crackdowns on demonstrators, resulting in approximately 1,400 deaths and thousands of injuries, according to estimates from the United Nations. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The upheaval reached a climax on August 5, when General Waker-Uz-Zaman of the Bangladesh Army addressed the nation at noon. At the same time, furious citizens had already taken over major state symbols — the Prime Minister's Office, the Ganabhaban residence, and the national parliament complex. Police stations across the country came under attack, and the government's hold on power collapsed. Anti-government protesters display Bangladesh's national flag as they storm Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's palace in Dhaka on August 5, 2024. File Image/AFP In the vacuum that followed, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus assumed charge as the interim head of government. He promised reforms, a new electoral process, and a return to stability. Although political turmoil is not alien to Bangladesh — a country familiar with military coups and street agitations since gaining independence in 1971 — this was the first instance of a sitting prime minister fleeing the country under such dramatic circumstances. How Yunus' diplomacy realigned Bangladesh Muhammad Yunus's arrival marked a distinct departure from the geopolitical orientation that had defined the Hasina years. One of the most noticeable changes has been the recalibration of Bangladesh's foreign relations, especially its outreach toward Pakistan — a nation with which ties had remained frosty since the 1971 Liberation War. Yunus has engaged in two high-profile meetings with Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif — once on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York last year and later during the D-8 summit in Cairo. These meetings have contributed to a thaw in relations and initiated a series of cooperative efforts between the two nations. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In contrast, Yunus's engagement with India — traditionally Bangladesh's closest strategic partner — has been far less frequent. He met Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi only in April at a regional summit in Bangkok, fuelling perceptions in New Delhi that the new interim leadership was repositioning its alliances. Prime Minister Narendra Modi meets Bangladesh's interim government head Muhammad Yunus in Bangkok, Thailand, on April 4, 2025. File Image/PIB Hasina's administration had fostered particularly close economic, defence and infrastructural ties with India, which are now seemingly being diluted. Yunus has voiced criticisms of India's narrow focus on cultivating ties primarily through Hasina. His administration has taken a less vocal stance on issues like the safety of Bangladesh's Hindu minority — a recurring concern for New Delhi — and opened the door to increased Chinese investments, moves that have unsettled Indian policymakers. How Yunus' Bangladesh has moved closer to Pakistan Resumption of trade with Pakistan Bangladesh resumed direct trade with Pakistan — an act not seen since the two nations severed formal economic ties following Bangladesh's secession in 1971. The reinstatement of bilateral trade led to a measurable boost: trade between August and December 2024 reportedly rose by 27 per cent compared to the same period the previous year. This turnaround was facilitated by several strategic decisions. In September 2024, Bangladesh removed its longstanding policy of conducting full physical inspections on all Pakistani imports, a move that significantly cut shipping times and reduced operational costs for businesses. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD By November, for the first time in 53 years, two Pakistani cargo ships docked at Chittagong Port with shipments of sugar and potatoes. The following month, Bangladeshi authorities granted Pakistani vessels access to Mongla Port as well. Efforts to foster private-sector collaboration also gained momentum. On January 13, both governments signed a memorandum of understanding to create a joint business council aimed at deepening commercial ties and coordinating trade promotion activities. However, this realignment came at a cost to India-Bangladesh trade, which reportedly fell by approximately 9.5 per cent in the latter half of 2024. Easing borders with Pakistan Bangladesh's interim government reversed Hasina-era restrictions on visa processing for Pakistani nationals, streamlining access that had previously required security clearances from multiple state agencies. In return, Pakistan waived visa fees and abolished the need for Bangladeshi travellers to undergo security vetting. Direct air travel, suspended since 2018, is expected to resume shortly, further enhancing people-to-people contact. Additionally, Pakistan extended an offer of 300 fully-funded scholarships for Bangladeshi students to pursue higher education in its universities. This academic initiative, announced in December last year, aims to foster long-term cultural ties and cooperation in science and technology. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Track II diplomacy also resumed, with Pakistani academics participating in the 'Bay of Bengal Conversation' seminar in Dhaka in November. The cultural sphere was activated through a Pakistani artist's visit to Bangladesh and the Bangladeshi cricket team's tour of Pakistan, both of which were praised as symbolic gestures of renewed friendship. Military engagement with Pakistan In what is arguably the most strategic component of this evolving relationship, defence ties between Bangladesh and Pakistan have grown stronger in the past year. A major breakthrough occurred in January when a high-level delegation from Dhaka, led by Lt Gen SM Kamrul-Hassan, visited Pakistan for meetings with top military officials including Army Chief Field Marshal Gen Asim Munir. Discussions covered a wide range of topics, from regional security cooperation to joint training exercises and potential arms transfers. Pakistan described the talks as indicative of a 'brotherly' relationship, and the tone of engagement suggested a mutual intent to reshape the defence dynamic of South Asia. The Bangladesh Navy's participation in 'Aman 2025,' a multinational naval exercise hosted by Pakistan off the Karachi coast in February, was a particularly notable event. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The deployment of BNS Samudra Joy marked the first time in over a decade that a major Bangladeshi warship had docked in Pakistan. Reports also indicate that Bangladesh placed orders between September and December 2024 for 40,000 rounds of artillery ammunition, 2,000 rounds of tank ammunition, and 40 tonnes of RDX — tripling its imports from the previous year. These purchases align with Bangladesh's broader military modernisation agenda, dubbed 'Forces Goal 2030,' and represent a significant shift in its procurement sources. There is also strong interest from Dhaka in acquiring JF-17 Thunder fighter jets — co-developed by Pakistan and China — to further support its air force modernisation. Training programmes are also underway and it was reported that from February, a Pakistani Major General would oversee instruction at Bangladesh's Momenshahi Cantonment. High-level visits with Pakistan Between late January and early February, Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief Lt Gen Asim Malik made an unprecedented visit to Rangpur, Bangladesh. The visit drew attention in India, particularly due to its proximity to India's northeastern states, heightening regional security sensitivities. Admiral Mohammad Nazmul Hassan, Bangladesh's chief of naval staff, met with Pakistan's army commander, Syed Asim Munir Ahmed Shah. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In June, three senior officers of the Pakistan Army visited Bangladesh and proceeded to the headquarters of the 10th Infantry Division in Ramu, located near the Myanmar border. These visits suggested possible coordination on border security issues, including those relating to the Rohingya refugee crisis. On July 23, Pakistan's Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi met Bangladesh's Home Adviser, Lt Gen (Retd) Md Jahangir Alam Chowdhury, in Dhaka. Naqvi proposed memorandums of understanding to enhance police cooperation, including officer exchanges between academies. With Pakistan's Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar set to visit Dhaka on August 23 this year, relations between the two countries appear set for further consolidation. Dar's upcoming talks with Bangladeshi Foreign Advisor Touhid Hossain are expected to be about new agreements across sectors. One lingering divide between Bangladesh-Pakistan: 1971 Despite the recent warmth, the shadow of the 1971 Liberation War continues to affect Bangladesh-Pakistan relations. In October 2024, Bangladesh's Foreign Adviser Md. Touhid Hossain publicly stated that reconciliation would be easier if Pakistan issued an apology for wartime atrocities. During the December D-8 summit in Cairo, Yunus reiterated these demands to Sharif, asking for the resolution of lingering historical issues. Sharif, in response, said that 'main issues had been resolved' under the 1972 Shimla Agreement, but expressed openness to reviewing remaining concerns. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD On April 17, Bangladesh formally repeated its demand for a public apology and raised additional issues — including the repatriation of more than 300,000 stranded Pakistanis, repayment of a $4.5 billion debt it claims Pakistan owes, equitable distribution of the former country's assets, and the transfer of cyclone relief aid from 1970. During a meeting between Foreign secretaries Md. Jashim Uddin and Amna Baloch at the Padma State Guest House, Dhaka once again flagged these 'historically unresolved issues.' Also Watch: With inputs from agencies
