
DeepSeek unveils upgraded giant-challenging R1 model
The updated model, R1-0528, significantly enhances performance in complex inference tasks, narrowing the gap with OpenAI's o3 series and Google's Gemini 2.5 Pro, according to a post on the developer platform Hugging Face.
While described as a 'minor' version upgrade, R1-0528 introduces substantial improvements in mathematical reasoning, programming, and logical deduction. DeepSeek also reported a 50% reduction in hallucinations—AI-generated false or misleading output—in tasks such as rewriting and summarization.
In a WeChat post, the Hangzhou-based firm said the model now excels at generating front-end code, roleplaying, and producing creative writing including essays and novels. 'The model has demonstrated outstanding performance across various benchmark evaluations.'
Originally launched in January, R1 quickly went viral, challenging assumptions that advanced AI development requires vast computing infrastructure. Its success triggered responses from Chinese tech giants such as Alibaba and Tencent, both of which released competing models claiming superior performance.
DeepSeek also disclosed that it applied a distillation technique—transferring the reasoning methodology from R1-0528—to enhance Alibaba's Qwen 3 8B Base model, boosting its performance by more than 10%.
'We believe the chain-of-thought from DeepSeek-R1-0528 will hold significant importance for both academic research and industrial development focused on small-scale models,' the company added.

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Shafaq News
5 days ago
- Shafaq News
Russia, Iran, China, North Korea deepens strategic ties
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Memri
6 days ago
- Memri
Russian Media Outlet Iran.ru: 'A Military Crisis Or Increased External Threats Against Iran' Would Have 'Profound' Consequences For China And Russia
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(Source: the PRC Ministry of Foreign Affairs).[2] Below is article:[3] "This Informal But Vital Partnership Is Based On Shared Goals" "The strategic cooperation between Russia, China, and Iran, often referred to by Western powers as the 'axis of instability,' has become an important counterweight to Western influence, especially to the United States. This informal but vital partnership is based on shared goals: countering American unipolarity, protecting national sovereignty, and expanding influence in strategic regions. "Thanks to the country's strategic location and vast energy resources, Iran comes forward as a key element in this axis, serving as a vital ally for Russia and an important energy and transit hub for China. Both Russia and China promote Iran's integration into [international] structures such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and BRICS, perceiving it as a bulwark against Western sanctions. 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"These supplies with a discount, made possible by Western sanctions, are extremely important for China, the world's largest oil importer. A crisis in Iran will disrupt this vital supply chain, prompting China to seek more expensive or less reliable alternatives, which could potentially slow its economic growth. In addition, non-oil trade between Iran and China, which amounted to $32.3 billion in 2024, will face serious restrictions. "Iran is a 'key gateway' for China's Belt and Road Initiative (B&R), facilitating a connection to markets in Europe and West Asia. A military crisis or external threats disrupting Iran's transport and energy corridors would jeopardize China's major infrastructure projects and vital logistics routes to the West. "Events such as Israel's strike on Iranian military and nuclear facilities in June of 2025 could further undermine strategic projects such as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The 'Middle Corridor' (Trans-Caspian International Transport Route), which comes as an alternative to routes running through Iran or Russia, has a number of infrastructure limitations, including limited capacity, making it an unsuitable replacement for Iran within China's Belt and Road Initiative. "Geopolitics-wise, the crisis in Iran would undermine China's diplomatic authority, especially after its successful mediation in Iran and Saudi Arabia rapprochement in March of 2023. It will also jeopardize China's strategic autonomy in securing energy and logistics routes, increasing its vulnerability to external pressure, especially in such narrow points as the Strait of Malacca, which remains under notable US influence. This would weaken China's stance in the region and globally, giving the West an opportunity to strengthen its position and possibly to shift its focus towards a direct confrontation with China." "A Crisis In Iran Will Weaken Russia's Ability To Maintain Its Influence In The Region" "For Russia, a military crisis or external threats targeting Iran would have far-reaching consequences, affecting its geopolitical influence, economic stability, and security interests. A crisis in Iran will weaken Russia's ability to maintain its influence in the region, which could create a power vacuum that rivals such as Turkey or Saudi Arabia could make use of. In the worst-case scenario, under a serious escalation of the conflict, growing instability, inter-ethnic tensions, or a refugee crisis, the situation could spread to Central Asia and the Caucasus, which in turn increases the risks of terrorism, migration, and anti-Russian sentiment in these critically important regions. "Economy-wise, while Russia, being a major oil exporter, may temporarily benefit from an increase in global oil prices due to supply disruptions from Iran, long-term market volatility will undermine OPEC+ cooperation on oil production and price stabilization. Iran is also perceived as a market for Russian arms, and the crisis will likely reduce demand for Russian military exports, which will affect the country's defense industry. In addition, Iran provides Russia with access to Asian markets, in particular India, through [its] transportation corridors. "The International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), which connects Russia, Iran, and India, is a cornerstone of Russia's strategy to diversify trade routes and reduce dependence on routes controlled by the West. The crisis in Iran would threaten feasibility of the INSTC by disrupting Russia's access to markets of the South Asia and exacerbating problems associated with the sanctions over the conflict in Ukraine. A direct conflict involving Iran could further reduce the security of these routes and block Russian exports. "In terms of politics, Iran serves as a geopolitical buffer protecting against Western pressure, especially in the context of the Ukrainian conflict. The crisis in Iran will encourage the West, which could increase Russia's isolation and weaken its rhetoric against Western imperialism." The "Geopolitical Leverages Over The West" "In conclusion, let's note that a military crisis or increased external threats against Iran would have profound and many-sided consequences for both China and Russia. The loss of a key strategic partner would weaken their regional influence and geopolitical leverages over the West. Key energy and transit routes would be disrupted, instability would grow in neighboring regions, and both countries would face significant threats to their economic interests and security. "The 'axis' would be seriously weakened, which will create opportunities for the West to expand its influence. Provided the U.S. manages to deal with the challenge posed by Iran, it will be able to divert resources to a more direct confrontation with China and Russia, wherein Russia will face an additional threat in the form of increased NATO pressure, especially in the context of resumed support for Ukraine on part of the West. This scenario will prompt both countries to rethink their geopolitical and economic strategies and face significant obstacles to maintaining strategic balance and global influence."


Rudaw Net
7 days ago
- Rudaw Net
China's promise in the Kurdistan Region: A pragmatic partnership in the making
Also in Opinions Eleven years on, the Yazidi genocide continues in silence Tehran at a tipping point: The unraveling of the Iranian rial Turkish lira's rocky road: What rate cuts mean for its neighbors Iraq's budget shortfall crisis: can oil revenues save the second half of 2025? A+ A- China's economic presence in the Kurdistan Region is growing steadily and strategically. From newly erected telecom towers to round-the-clock cement factories and classrooms offering Mandarin lessons, the signs of cooperation are visible. Yet behind this growing footprint lies a deliberate, measured campaign - one that combines commercial outreach, cultural diplomacy, and cautious engagement in major infrastructure projects that still await financing and implementation. China's global economic pivot - from investment-driven expansion to a more targeted focus on high-tech sectors such as renewable energy, artificial intelligence (AI), and advanced manufacturing - offers important context for understanding its approach to the Kurdistan Region. International investors and analysts observe that Beijing favors long-term partnerships and sector-specific engagement over headline-grabbing diplomatic gestures. This strategy helps explain why Chinese firms operating in Erbil are active in sectors where quick, tangible results are achievable, while larger infrastructure ambitions advance more slowly. Zou Demin, Consul for Economic and Trade Affairs of the People's Republic of China in Erbil, described the Kurdistan Region as 'an important gateway for regional trade and a promising hub for economic cooperation.' Chinese activity in the Region is deliberate and tailored, he said, adding, 'We see opportunities not only in oil and gas but also in agriculture, infrastructure, and technology.' Zou emphasized Beijing's pragmatic approach: projects must align with local needs and capacities, and although progress is gradual, momentum is growing. A growing commercial footprint Local business leaders echo this pragmatic tone but offer a sharper on-the-ground perspective. Kamil Ahmed Hama Rash, advisor at the International Chamber of Commerce in China, noted that Iraq's trade with China reached $40 billion in 2023 - 2024. Chinese customs data puts the total trade volume at $54.2 billion in 2024, with $26.65 billion recorded in the first half of the year alone. According to Hama Rash, companies in the Kurdistan Region account for roughly $5 billion of this annual trade, facilitated by approximately 250 trading firms. Much of this commerce arrives via the ports of Umm Qasr, Bandar Abbas, and Mersin located in southern Iraq, Iran and Turkey, respectively. A significant portion is re-exported to neighboring markets, underscoring the Region's potential as a logistical and trade hub. Hama Rash identifies a key logistical priority: establishing a dry port in the Kurdistan Region to streamline trade operations and reduce costs for importers and exporters. However, structural challenges remain. Many local traders avoid commercial loans due to interest rates that conflict with Islamic financing principles. Additionally, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) must upgrade its transport infrastructure, customs systems, and legal frameworks to transform trade into broader industrial development. Agreements vs. actions Despite these challenges, concrete achievements are visible. Chinese partnerships, particularly between Huawei and local telecom providers, have advanced digital infrastructure. Chinese-built cement factories supply a large share of materials fueling the Region's post-conflict construction boom. On the cultural front, China's soft-power efforts are bearing fruit: hundreds of Kurdistan Region residents participated in Chinese training programs in 2024, supported by the China Scholarship Council (CSC) on behalf of the Chinese education ministry. Moreover, the Chinese Language Department at Salahaddin University in Erbil anchors this educational and cultural engagement. However, grander ambitions have yet to be realized. Memoranda of understanding have been signed for hydropower projects and a major refinery, but financing delays and supply chain constraints have stalled progress. This gap between signed agreements and on-the-ground delivery is a key concern for local observers. While MoUs make for optimistic headlines, meaningful impact demands job creation, technology transfer, and long-term capacity building - not just short-term contracts or imported equipment. There is also a broader strategic consideration. Relying heavily on a single external partner for critical sectors raises concerns about competition, local value retention, and economic resilience. To maximize benefits from Chinese engagement, experts argue, the KRG must secure binding commitments on local content, workforce training, and transparent procurement processes that prioritize local suppliers and labor. Consul Zou affirmed that Chinese engagement will continue to deepen. 'Our cooperation should bring mutual benefit and shared growth,' he told Rudaw. But mutual benefit must translate into visible outcomes: sustainable jobs, apprenticeships in Chinese-built facilities, and financing structures aligned with local preferences, including Islamic finance. A path to sustainable partnership The policy recommendations are clear, though challenging to implement. The KRG must prioritize establishing a legal and logistical framework for a dry port to streamline trade and reduce costs. At the same time, it should pursue contracts that include enforceable provisions for local content and workforce development, ensuring that investments lead to meaningful economic participation for the Region's people. Additionally, the KRG needs to diversify its financing mechanisms in ways that address both religious considerations and commercial concerns, especially given the widespread reluctance toward conventional interest-based loans. On the other side, Chinese companies and institutions should emphasize measurable local benefits - demonstrating, rather than merely stating, that their investments are improving living standards, creating jobs, and transferring skills. For the people of Erbil and the wider business community, China's engagement offers a door of opportunity that remains only partially open. The future of this relationship will hinge on whether agreements move beyond paper and result in actual construction, employment, and technology transfer; whether expanding trade flows can be transformed into enduring industrial capacity; and whether both sides can successfully align their legal and financial frameworks to support resilient, locally beneficial projects. If these elements align, the 'momentum for cooperation' cited by Consul Zou could indeed evolve into a powerful driver of regional growth. If not, China's economic footprint in the Kurdistan Region, while significant, may ultimately fall short of its full potential. Omar Ahmed is editor-in-chief of Rudaw's Economy Desk. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of Rudaw.