Samik Bhattacharya's inclusive pitch: Can BJP's Bengal pivot disrupt Mamata's playbook?

Time of India

08-07-2025

PTI file photo
NEW DELHI: There's a new player in Bengal politics, and he's trying to rewrite the rules of the game. How often do you see a politician praising opposition leaders of bygone eras, lamenting their lack of recognition in history books, and, in the process, attempting to connect with party cadres? It's early days, but newly appointed Bengal
BJP
president Samik Bhattacharya is doing just that.
Challenging the TMC juggernaut
In today's political landscape, where civility is scarce and coarse discourse is the norm, Samik's polished approach stands out as a welcome change and a fresh challenge to the ruling
TMC
. Over the past five years, the TMC has perfected a political playbook: branding the BJP as a party of
bohiragato
(outsiders), referring to Modi and Shah as
zamindars
(entitled overlords), highlighting alleged deprivation of central funds, and reinforcing Mamata Banerjee's image as the 'true daughter of the soil' with campaigns like
Bangla nijer meyekei chay
(Bengal wants its own daughter).
Backed by unwavering support from women voters benefiting from welfare schemes like Lakshmir Bhandar and overwhelming endorsement from the minority community, the TMC has built a resilient social base, weathering anti-incumbency and serious graft allegations.
Changing BJP's narrative
But Samik Bhattacharya, 62, a grassroots leader who rose from block-level ranks, is now experimenting with a distinctly different strategy to disrupt that winning formula.
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He's attempting to bring 'Bengal' back into the state BJP's political narrative, focusing more sharply on the emotional and historical context of Partition and the creation of West Bengal, things which many believe greatly discomfort the Bengali liberals.
In speech after speech, Samik evokes Syama Prasad Mookerjee, highlighting his pivotal role in forming West Bengal and the bipartisan support he received. He's pushing for a people's
mahajot
(grand alliance) against the TMC and using history as a strategic bridge to reach voters across the spectrum.
The prominent display of Goddess Kali during his official takeover last week was no afterthought; it was part of a deliberate recalibration of optics. With Amit Malviya asserting that 'BJP is the only pro-Bengali party born in Bengal,' it's clear the saffron party is tailoring its message to reflect Bengali sub-nationalism.
Samik is now articulating a narrative rooted in Bengali
asmita
(pride), arguing that Bengal's soul is under attack and must be defended.
An inclusive message with strategic hints
'What's the point of politics if there is no West Bengal?' he asked recently, in an earnest pitch to disillusioned CPM and Congress cadres, urging them to support the BJP in the larger interest of the state. Samik highlights atrocities against minorities in neighbouring Bangladesh, tacitly warning his core voters by invoking memories from the border district of Murshidabad.
Yet, unlike Bengal's leader of opposition Suvendu Adhikari, who calls directly for Hindu consolidation, Samik frames his message in inclusive terms, envisioning a Bengal where Durga Puja immersions and Muharram processions can take place peacefully, side by side.
In his debut speech, he even reached out to Muslims. Acknowledging the minority community's mistrust of the BJP, he said the party wants books, not stones, in the hands of Muslim youth. Referring to icons like Kazi Nazrul Islam and Syed Mujtaba Ali, Samik urged the community to self-introspect and think about whom they want to emulate. By using phrases like
marche musalman, morche musalman
(Muslims are killing Muslims), many believe Samik is also trying to loosen the TMC's grip on the minority vote bank. Assuring Muslims, Samik said India is a country of
joto mot, toto poth
(as many opinions, so many paths), referencing Ramakrishna Paramhansa's immortal words.
According to him, India's strength lies in pluralism, not Hindutva. He yearns for a time when Hindus and Muslims celebrated Saraswati Puja together in schools.
What's the unsaid plan?
Speaking to TOI, political expert Professor Sibaji Pratim Basu said Samik is dialing down anti-Muslim rhetoric because it had proven counterproductive, leading to consolidated minority support for the TMC. Professor Basu also believes this outreach isn't necessarily about gaining Muslim votes, but about gaining legitimacy among the urbane Bengali intelligentsia, which still views the BJP with deep suspicion.
Even if some of the urban Left-liberals who in 2021 rallied behind the 'No Vote to BJP' campaign switch sides, it could prove pivotal in Kolkata and neighbouring constituencies. Many of them have criticized the TMC's handling of the RG Kar rape and murder case. Their discontent, Basu argues, could translate into anti-TMC votes if the BJP earns their trust. However, while the narrative may shift slightly with Samik's appointment, the deciding factor will be which party's electoral machinery proves more efficient on polling day.
TMC still holds a significant edge in that regard, Basu believes.
Ringing endorsement from seniors
Former MP and party ideologue Swapan Dasgupta noted on X (formerly Twitter) that Samik's tone may resonate with voters the BJP has struggled to reach, whom he dubbed as the 'orphaned Bengali bhadrolok.'
This was echoed by former state party president Tathagata Roy. Known for his outspoken nature, Roy told TOI that during the 2021 Assembly election, Hindi-speaking leaders of BJP alienated the Bengali middle class.
He believes the party backed the wrong campaigners, leading to defeat. Roy sees Samik's appointment as a welcome signal to Bengal's intellectual class.
Retelling forgotten histories
With leaders like Dilip Ghosh and Suvendu Adhikari, the BJP built a strong cadre base but struggled to gain traction in southern Bengal, including Kolkata. In Samik Bhattacharya, a long-time resident of Salt Lake, an elite satellite town of Kolkata, the party sees an opening to breach that urban bastion.
To Left-Congress voters, Samik's message is steeped in Partition-era history. He recalls how Jyoti Basu once defied the party line to support Syama Prasad Mookerjee's proposal in the Bengal Assembly, or how TMC MP Sukhendu Sekhar Roy's father appealed to the Hindu Mahasabha leader to ensure Malda stayed in India. These long-forgotten anecdotes are being revived by Samik, a skilled orator, to build bridges across ideological divides.
He even hailed Jyoti Basu, a Left icon, as one of the architects of modern Bengal.
Left pushes back
The Left, however, is unimpressed. Eminent CPI(M) leader Dr. Fuad Halim outrightly rejected Samik Bhattacharya as a communal, anti-national figure when contacted by TOI. He questioned how the BJP leader could label an entire community as stone-throwers. Referring to BJP's past alliance with the TMC, Halim claimed Samik is actually a well-wisher of Mamata's party and dared him to publicly declare when the TMC became the BJP's enemy.
He also dismissed any possibility of Left voters switching to the BJP.
While the Left and Congress may have publicly rejected Samik's overture, their combined vote share, still around 10 percent, more than the TMC-BJP gap of 7 percent in the 2024 Lok Sabha election, remains critical. Winning over even a part of this bloc could prove decisive. Tathagata Roy argues that Bengal politics has always been bipolar, and if voters see the BJP as the only viable alternative to the TMC, they will naturally shift.
Recalling his tenure as BJP state president, Roy said the party could never cross the 5 percent vote mark because only Mamata was then seen as capable of ending Left rule.
TMC's response and the road ahead
The ruling TMC has so far dismissed Samik Bhattacharya's strategy. Spokesperson Kunal Ghosh claimed the BJP, realising Suvendu Adhikari's communal approach has failed, is now testing a new narrative. Mamata Banerjee is expected to deliver her counterattack during the party's annual Martyrs' Day rally on July 21.
Back in 2014, Samik became only the second BJP MLA elected to the Bengal Assembly. Recalling the moment, Samik said that he stood in stunned silence for 15 minutes, absorbing the significance of the occasion. He is no stranger to history-making, but the challenge before him now is far more complex.
Mixed messaging, a problem?
Some argue the BJP's messaging under Samik appears conflicted. On one hand, Suvendu Adhikari calls for strident Hindu unity.
On the other hand, Samik Bhattacharya champions restraint and inclusion. At first glance, the two seem at odds. But Samik insists the party line is coherent. Suvendu speaks the public's mind, while he expresses the BJP's official stance.
Professor Basu believes core BJP voters are unlikely to be swayed, as they see no viable alternative. He also sees Samik's attempt to unify party factions, including overtures toward Dilip Ghosh, as a significant move.
If the old RSS mechanism is activated, they can come handy in elections, believe experts. Former Governor Tathagata Roy believes Samik's moderate persona, deep RSS roots and decades of party loyalty are key assets which can take BJP to new heights.
Churn in place
Samik Bhattacharya's approach is calibrated and high-stakes. His emphasis on identity, history and inclusion is a marked shift in tone for the Bengal BJP. Whether this softer narrative can coexist with Suvendu Adhikari's aggressive mobilization strategy and succeed in broadening the party's appeal is uncertain. But in a state known for its ideological churn and volatile swings, Samik's strategy has undeniably altered the tone of Bengal's political conversation.