
The unvarnished truth about rape gangs
Some crimes are so horrific that our instinct is to look away. And there can be few as appalling as those perpetrated by the rape gangs whose activities Dame Louise Casey reported on this week.
Girls as young as ten were beaten and sexually abused. They were tortured with baseball bats, knives and meat cleavers. They were urinated on, had cigarettes stubbed out on them, were burned by lighters and branded on their buttocks. Some contracted venereal diseases. One 12-year-old was compelled to undergo an abortion.
These crimes weren't rare, but sustained and widespread, carried out in up to 50 towns and cities across Britain over decades. The perpetrators were overwhelmingly Muslim men from Pakistani diaspora communities. They identified girls in the most vulnerable circumstances – often those in care who'd already suffered abuse and neglect – and exploited their need for attention and affection with calculated cynicism, plied them with alcohol and drugs and violated them in the most degrading fashion imaginable.
Their crimes were facilitated by family businesses such as kebab shops and taxi firms, and covered up by the community. The victims were ignored, disbelieved or even stigmatised by police and local authorities.
While the details of these crimes are so horrific they make one weep at the evil of which man is capable, we need to look at the circumstances which allowed this barbarity to flourish and act to ensure it can never happen again.
That requires total honesty. It helps no one, least of all the victims, to look away from the cultural, ethnic and religious factors that lie behind so much of what happened. Too many people have avoided such honesty for too long. Casey says she learnt from police forces that local authorities had prevented them from 'publicising the success-ful conviction of perpetrators of group-based child sexual exploitation due to fears of raising tensions'. Too many people conspired to see, hear and speak no evil 'for fear of appearing racist, raising community tensions or causing community cohesion problems'. If managing multiculturalism required tolerating systematic child rape, so be it.
The scale and nature of these crimes and the consequent cover-ups mean that the national inquiry, which Casey recommends, cannot simply be an aggregation of local investigations. There are questions of public policy which must be addressed. The police's failure to record ethnicity data, join the dots, root out collaboration or connivance in their own ranks and challenge community complacency about medieval attitudes is a national failure.
Too often and for too long, police forces have hidden behind the doctrine of 'operational independence' to evade accountability. That they pursued innocent figures such as Harvey Proctor and the late Leon Brittan for imagined crimes based on the lurid inventions of the fantasist Carl Beech, while failing effectively to confront the real child abuse being perpetrated across the country, requires more than just a mumbled apology.
And in investigating that abuse, uncomfortable questions cannot be evaded. Why do a disproportionate number of perpetrators come from Pakistani backgrounds? Why are so many from communities with links to rural Pakistan and Kashmir? Has our approach towards chain migration and cousin marriage been misguided? What is it in the Islamic teachings within those communities that has appeared to offer either licence for the exploitation of women or, at the very least, no challenge to brutal misogyny?
When these questions have been even tentatively explored in the past, those who stood up for victims have faced silencing. Ann Cryer, the former Labour MP for Keighley, raised the horrors two decades ago, only to be dismissed as racist. In January, Keir Starmer described those calling for an inquiry as 'jumping on a bandwagon' of the far right. Lucy Powell, the Leader of the Commons, has branded discussing the rape gangs 'a dog whistle'. The left-leaning journalist Lewis Goodall suggested there was 'little evidence' for Muslim grooming gangs, dismissing it as a far-right 'trope'. His podcast colleague Emily Maitlis branded Rupert Lowe, the former Reform MP crowdfunding a private inquiry into the scandal, a 'racist' for focusing on Pakistani grooming gangs.
This campaign of denial may have its roots in a noble sentiment: the wish not to give succour to those intent on driving further divisions in our society. But wilful blindness to the nature of the rape-gang scandal only feeds the far-right narrative that cover-up and conspiracy characterise the British state.
There is, of course, another democratic pressure at work here. Some in Labour may fear that an uncompromising reckoning with the facts means that Muslim voters, already alienated from the party by foreign policy concerns, may further desert them for independent candidates. Such an attitude is, in itself, effectively racist. It implies that Muslim voters would rather see crimes committed by co-religionists covered up than confronted. But it serves no interest, no community, no idea of what a multi-ethnic society should be and no version of morality to look away. Unsparing questioning and un-flinching honesty are the only paths to justice.

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The Herald Scotland
4 hours ago
- The Herald Scotland
MP who first blew whistle on child rape gangs was smeared as a racist, says son
Labour peer Lord Cryer said those who were complicit at the time and knew of the child abuse by a group of older men from the Pakistani community, but chose to cover it up, should face prosecution. He was speaking after a nationwide inquiry was announced by the Prime Minister into grooming gangs following a major review by Baroness Casey. Baroness Casey (House of Commons/UK Parliament/PA) Her report, published on Monday, found the ethnicity of perpetrators had been 'shied away from', with data not recorded for two-thirds of offenders. Home Secretary Yvette Cooper claimed officials had dodged the issue of ethnicity among the groups of sex offenders for fear of being called racist, even though available data showed suspects were disproportionately likely to be Asian men. The Government has accepted all 12 recommendations made by Lady Casey, including the establishment of a national inquiry. Mrs Cryer was MP for Keighley when she was alerted to the problem in her constituency by a group of concerned mothers, who said their young daughters were being sexually exploited by a group of older Asian men and the police and social services were refusing to act. After going public she faced accusations that she was a racist and also received threatening notes and phone calls, leading police to install a panic alarm in her house. She stood down as an MP in 2010. In the years since, a series of high-profile grooming scandals have been exposed, including in Rotherham and Rochdale. All followed a similar pattern with the large-scale exploitation of mainly white girls by groups of men of predominantly Pakistani heritage, which the authorities failed to tackle. Responding to a ministerial statement on the Casey review, Lord Cryer said: 'I rise to speak principally because the first person who raised the issue of the rape gangs, in other words the first whistleblower, happens to be my mum, Ann Cryer MP, who started raising this in 2003. 'She was then smeared and attacked, particularly by Labour figures, I've got to say, for being a racist. 'I'm not talking about ministers in the then government, many of whom actually supported her, and in the case of David Blunkett, as then home secretary, went out of his way to make sure that prosecutions happened, which they did. 'I'm talking about councillors, councils and other institutions who went on the attack and lied and smeared about the rape gangs.' He added: 'I think some of them were complicit. Some of them knew it was going on, and they decided to cover up. 'And in those cases, if there is evidence to that fact, then they should be brought before the courts and prosecuted.' In reply, Home Office minister Lord Hanson of Flint said: 'Can I pay tribute to his mother. I served in Parliament with Ann and I know she raised these matters and faced extreme difficulties locally as result, and took a very brave stand at that time.' Stressing the need to address the issue, he added: 'My party hasn't been in government for 14 years, but we have been in control of some of the councils. 'My party wasn't in control of government when a lot of these issues happened, but I have still got a responsibility to look at making sure we deal with these in an effective way.' Earlier, he told peers other recommendations made by Lady Casey would be implemented 'in very short order'. These included making it mandatory to collect ethnicity and nationality data of all suspects in child sexual abuse cases, a change in the law so all adult sex with under-16s would be considered rape, and a review of the criminal records of exploitation victims.


The Herald Scotland
4 hours ago
- The Herald Scotland
Explainer: Why men are having teen rape charges 'downgraded'
In her 2025 audit of group-based child sexual exploitation and abuse, Casey noted that while the legal age of consent is 16, prosecutions involving this age group are often dropped or downgraded—especially when a victim is said to have consented or been 'in love' with an adult perpetrator. READ MORE: Scots legal 'grey area' may let men avoid teen rape charges 'Open to interpretation' 'Although any sexual activity with 13–15-year-olds is unlawful, the decision on whether to charge, and which offence to charge with, is left more open to interpretation,' said Baroness Casey. The peer argues this flexibility is well-intentioned—designed to avoid criminalising young people close in age or those who mistakenly believe someone is older—but warns it is being exploited by adult men who groom children. Her recommendation: make all penetrative sexual activity between adults and under-16s automatically rape, as is the case in countries like France. What the law says in Scotland Age of consent Under the Sexual Offences (Scotland) Act 2009, the age of consent is 16. Any sexual activity involving a child under 16 is a criminal offence, even when both parties are underage. Children under 13 The law is unequivocal: sexual activity involving a child under 13 is automatically treated as rape or sexual assault. Consent is not a defence. Scottish Government guidance requires that any such concerns be escalated via local child protection procedures. Children aged 13–15 Sexual activity in this age group is illegal, but prosecution is more discretionary. Decisions may consider age gaps, coercion, grooming, and vulnerability. Cases can be referred to the Procurator Fiscal, the Children's Reporter, or managed through safeguarding rather than the criminal courts. National guidance and crime recording National Guidance on Under-Age Sexual Activity (2010): Advises that not all underage sexual activity is abuse, but significant age gaps or power imbalances should trigger child protection responses. Mandatory reporting applies to under-13s. Scottish Crime Recording Standard: Requires prompt recording of sexual crime reports. Categorisation depends on available evidence, including victim statements and corroboration. Maximum penalties Under the 2009 Act, the maximum sentence for sexual activity with a child under 16 is 10 years. Rape and assault by penetration can result in life imprisonment. Home Secretary announces law change in England and Wales On Monday, Yvette Cooper told MPs she would legislate to tackle this great area: 'We will change the law to ensure that adults who engage in penetrative sex with a child under 16 face the most serious charge of rape, and we will work closely with the Crown Prosecution Service and the police to ensure that there are safeguards for consensual teenage relationships.' Shadow minister calls for reform in Scotland Scottish Conservative shadow minister for victims and community safety, Sharon Dowey, said there could be alarming consequences if the law changes in England but not in Scotland: 'The Casey Review revealed some cases which will have deeply troubled the public and parents, given the age of those involved. 'They will be worried that the same grey area in the law could still exist up here where those who have sexually abused teenagers are not properly punished. 'If the rules down south are changed in light of these harrowing cases, then the law must be tightened up in Scotland as well to avoid any possibility of us becoming a safe haven for child abusers.' Summary The legal grey area flagged by Baroness Casey lies in how sexual activity with children aged 13–15 is handled: illegal by statute, but often inconsistently prosecuted. In Scotland, while the law criminalises all under-16 sexual activity and removes the possibility of consent for under-13s, the approach for 13–15-year-olds is more discretionary, which could lead to some cases being dropped or downgraded.


Spectator
8 hours ago
- Spectator
The right rape gang inquiry
Another inquiry into child sexual abuse, another minister insisting that this time it will be different. Yvette Cooper promises arrests, reviews, a new statutory commission and the largest ever national operation against grooming gangs. But for the victims there is only one question that matters: what will this new inquiry do that the last one didn't? The last one, of course, was IICSA: the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse, led by Professor Alexis Jay. It took seven years, £180 million and 15 separate investigations to complete. And yet for survivors and campaigners, the abiding feeling at the end of it all was futility. IICSA had all the grandeur of a public reckoning but little of the justice. It was supposed to examine how institutions failed victims. Instead, it often resembled a procedural exercise: detailed, solemn, but ultimately toothless. Grooming gangs – the most politically explosive scandal of all – were only one part of the report, and not even the most central part. It's worth remembering what IICSA didn't do. It didn't summon senior officials under oath from the councils and police forces most complicit in cover-ups. It didn't re-open the Rotherham files or interrogate why officers in Rochdale turned a blind eye. It didn't assign blame. No one was sacked or prosecuted. And the abuse of white working-class girls by Pakistani men has continued. What went wrong? In part, the answer lies in IICSA's vastness. It was tasked with investigating abuse 'in any institution'. It tried to do everything, and so did very little. Dame Lowell Goddard, its first substantive chair, resigned after a year, amid press reports alleging she had in private connected paedophilia in Britain to the prevalence of 'Asian men'. Although she denied this, some commentators suggested she was pushed out of her position because she was willing to pursue the racial aspect of the scandal too vigorously for the Establishment's taste. When Professor Jay took over, the inquiry quickly became a compromise. Less testimony under oath, more closed sessions. More 'survivor forums' in place of public hearings. The kind of scrutiny that might have terrified local councillors or police officers – some of whom we now know were complicit – never materialised. Jay was praised for her 2014 report into Rotherham, but under her leadership IICSA avoided detailed scrutiny of grooming gangs and limited the use of public hearings or sworn testimony. Instead we got another nod to 'institutional failure', another recommendation for a new 'Minister for Children'. It was bureaucratic musical chairs, the default response of the British state when it is confronted with a horror it would rather avoid. Then, in January, Baroness Casey, a former Victims' Commissioner, was commissioned by the Home Secretary to carry out a rapid national audit into grooming gangs. Her findings included a recommendation to hold a full national inquiry, which was duly announced by Cooper on Monday. Her report did what IICSA refused to: it focused on the racial dimension and acknowledged institutional evasion. Casey confirms that Pakistani men are disproportionately represented among grooming gang offenders, and that many local agencies avoided confronting the issue for fear of being called racist. For all the praise her audit has earned, it still falls short. It is full of faddish red herrings about the 'adultification' of adolescent girls. Did the perpetrators target pubescent white girls because they were subconsciously 'adultifying' them? Of course not. This drivel is harmful, as it reframes a specific problem – British Pakistani men targeting vulnerable white girls – into a wider critique of society and its attitude towards adolescent girls, for which we are all allegedly culpable. One part of the review, quoted by Cooper in her speech, featured a line from a police officer who stated that 'If Rotherham were to happen again today it would start online'. This statement not only implies that Rotherham was a one-off historic incident; it again recasts the issue of racialised grooming into a Luddite whinge about the online world. The fact that the police would prefer the focus of the inquiry to be on the internet, which they can access from the safety of their offices – rather than the real world in which racialised grooming happens – is unsurprising. What should this new national review aim to do? First, it must treat the scandal as an ongoing national emergency. As recently as January, eight Pakistani men in Keighley were sentenced for the sexual abuse of girls as young as 13. Some survivors believe the problem is worse today than it's ever been. Cooper has announced that more than 1,000 closed cases are being reopened. But the new inquiry must map the networks in the same way that the Metropolitan police's old Gangs Violence Matrix did, before it was shut down in 2022 over accusations of racism. Second, this inquiry must make full use of its statutory powers. IICSA excluded Rotherham, Rochdale and Oxford from thereport on the grounds that 'independent investigations' had already taken place. The result was an evasion of accountability. Key individuals were never questioned. Blame was dispersed into a haze of lessons and reviews. This time, there can be no excuses. If police chiefs ignored abuse warnings, they must be named. If senior council officers buried reports to avoid accusations of racism, they should explain themselves. Justice demands that individuals, not just systems, are held to account. We must make an example out of those who prioritised their own comfortable lives over preventing the abuse of children. Third, it must ask the difficult questions that IICSA and others wouldn't. Was religious doctrine used to justify this abuse? Were vulnerable white girls seen as 'fair game' because they were not Muslim? Did authorities look the other way because they feared that to intervene would be to inflame racial or religious sensitivities? How far were the police complicit? Did Pakistani gangs intimidate witnesses and social workers? These are not conspiratorial talking points – they are evidenced in transcripts from trials and elsewhere. An inquiry must drag these questions into the light without bogus, cowardly equivocation around 'Islamophobia'. Success in this review will not look like victim panels and 'enhanced data-sharing'. Instead, it will look like accountability in parts of the country which we know to be afflicted by racialised rape gangs. Take Bradford. It has never had a full public inquiry, yet its story is one of the most shocking. Fiona Goddard, a survivor, says she was raped by more than 50 men while living in a council–run children's home. David Greenwood, the solicitor who played a key role in exposing Rotherham, believes Bradford could be worse still. Based on safeguarding statistics, he estimates up to 72,000 children may have been at risk of exploitation there since 1996. That figure seems implausible until you learn that in just eight months, 2,500 children were classed as 'at risk' by local authorities. Yet Bradford's institutions resist scrutiny. Susan Hinchcliffe, Bradford Council's leader, refused to commission a local inquiry in October 2021, and Tracy Brabin, the West Yorkshire mayor, refused similar calls on the grounds of limited local resources which would be better spent protecting women and girls today instead of investigating 'the past'. Here is the test: this new national inquiry must force a reckoning in Bradford. If it confines itself to the usual places and people, the usual bland conclusions, it will have failed. Bradford doesn't need community cohesion statements or survivor focus groups. It needs summonses. It needs officials under oath. It needs the truth. Anything less will just be a repeat of IICSA and its shortcomings.