CPI(M) opposes installation of smart prepaid meters by Adani Transmission Step Seven in A.P.
CPI(M) State secretariat member Ch. Babu Rao and State committee member D. Kasinath on Sunday strongly opposed the installation of smart prepaid meters for LT1 domestic electricity connections in Andhra Pradesh. The CPI(M) leaders said that the AP Central DISCOM (CPDCL) has already given the go-ahead to Adani Transmission Step Seven Limited to start installing the devices in selected subdivisions in AMRUT cities.
Mr. Rao at a press conference here released a copy of the letter written by CPDCL Chief General Manager (Projects) K. Linga Murthy to Adani Transmission Step Seven Limited regarding the installation of the smart meters under the Revised Distribution Sector Scheme (RDSS).
Mr. Rao termed it a 'gift' by the NDA government to the people on the occasion of completion of its first year in power and that the plan was to install the equipment in 4.10 million homes across the State in a phased manner. He said the stage has been set for exploitation of the people, and noted that by paving the way for installation of smart meters, the TDP, which had vehemently opposed the scheme in the past, has now betrayed the public by giving the installation a green signal.
In the CPDCL jurisdiction, 10,28,000 homes in major cities and towns of Krishna, Guntur and Prakasam districts have been targeted.
The CPI(M) leader said that the YSR Congress Party government had signed agreements for the installation of smart meters under pressure from the Centre and now the coalition government is following suit, adding that, 'the BJP, TDP and JSP were all complicit in the matter'.
The installation of smart meters entailed a huge burden of nearly ₹25,000 crore on the public, and each device is costing ₹13,000. The NDA government has already imposed four types of adjustment charges, which resulted in a burden of approximately ₹15,485 crore on the people in the last nine months, Mr. Rao said adding that 'the smart meter plan included the collection of monthly rental charges ranging from ₹100 to ₹200 from each consumer for approximately seven-and-half-years.
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The deaths of nearly 9,000 people since 2004, many of them poor tribal civilians, expose the tragic cost of a politics that mistakes the gun for liberation. The killing of top Maoist leaders and cadres and the steady rollback of insurgent zones, demonstrate the limits of revolutionary violence in the face of a constitutional state. Yet this military success should not obscure the more fundamental truth – even just causes are discredited when pursued through undemocratic means. Violence may disrupt, but it cannot reform. It can dismantle structures, but it cannot build trust or institutional legitimacy. India's fight against Maoism emphasises that only democratic engagement – however slow, imperfect, or frustrating – is capable of transforming social contradictions into political dialogue. The tribal regions, long denied their rightful place in the Republic, do not need guerrillas; they need schools, hospitals, land rights, and functioning Gram Sabhas. Laws like PESA and the Forest Rights Act offer a democratic framework for justice, but only if implemented with sincerity and accountability. A Maoist-free India by 2026 may be militarily plausible, but a just India is only possible through democratic inclusion. The real challenge is not in eliminating armed insurgents, but in rebuilding a social contract where every citizen, including the most marginalised, feels heard, seen, and protected. History affirms it. Violence radicalises societies but never redeems them. Only democracy delivers the promise of justice. Based on the three-pronged strategy – military offensives, development, and intensified tribal engagement – the government has declared the goal of achieving Maoist-free India by March 2026. Evaluate. Naxalism is a social, economic, and developmental issue manifesting as a violent internal security threat. In this context, discuss the emerging issues and suggest a multilayered strategy to tackle the menace of Naxalism. What factors have contributed to the sharp decline in Maoist violence and territorial influence between 2010 and 2024? How impactful have initiatives like the Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan and Special Central Assistance been in addressing core tribal grievances? Does the focus on infrastructure and financial inclusion sufficiently address the deeper social and historical roots of tribal discontent? (K.M. Seethi is the Director of Inter University Centre for Social Science Research and Extension (IUCSSRE), Mahatma Gandhi University (MGU), Kerala, and former Senior Professor of International Relations at the same university.) Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X.
