DR Congo, M23 rebels to hold peace talks in Angola
Until now, the Congolese government has refused to engage in talks with the rebels. In December, an initial attempt at peace talks collapsed when Rwanda demanded Congo engage with M23 directly. Congolese Prime Minister Judith Suminwa Tuluka said that she would only negotiate with Rwanda.
"The fact remains that the aggressor of the territorial integrity and of the sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of Congo is Rwanda," she told the BBC.
Suminwa Tuluka claimed that at least 7,000 people have been killed in the last two months, though that number has not been independently verified.
The conflict escalated in January when the M23 group seized the mineral-rich city of Goma in eastern Congo.
Rwanda, which borders Congo to the east, has been accused of backing the rebels. Rwanda continues to deny these allegations.
M23 has been active in eastern Congo since 2012.
In addition to the violence carried out against Congolese people, they have been accused by Human Rights Watch of attacking journalists and media members.
A political-military organization to which M23 belongs denied these accusations, calling them a "blatant attempt to spread false information" and saying the militia "has always upheld press freedom and remains open to both national and international journalists."
Rebuttal to Human Rights Watch's Baseless Allegations Against AFC/M23 https://t.co/xMipnchCQu—————————————————-We categorically reject the unfounded allegations presented in Human Rights Watch's (HRW) dated March 12,th, 2025. This publication is a blatant attempt to spread… pic.twitter.com/xRgODadlNI
— Lawrence KANYUKA (@LawrenceKanyuka) March 12, 2025
Edited by: Sean Sinico
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Boston Globe
12 hours ago
- Boston Globe
Putin widens effort to control Russia's internet
The idea, experts say, is to migrate more Russians from an open internet dominated by the products of Western tech giants to a censored online ecosystem, where Russians primarily use software under the gaze and influence of the state. The effort has advanced significantly amid wartime repression, but it is unclear how far it will go. 'The goal here is absolute control,' said Anastasiia Kruope, a researcher at Human Rights Watch who wrote a recent report on declining Russian internet freedoms. Advertisement The Kremlin wants to control not only the information available online but also where and how internet traffic flows, Kruope said, so the Russian internet can function in isolation and be switched on and off at will. Russia's technical capabilities for clamping down are improving, she added. 'They are not perfect,' Kruope said. 'They are not nearly at the level they would like them to be. But they are getting better, and this is the reason to start paying attention.' Advertisement Unlike China, where users have been restricted since the dawn of the internet, Russia long boasted one of the most open and freewheeling environments anywhere online. Operating with virtually no barriers, millions of Russians flocked to Western tech platforms, posted critical news, and freely expressed their thoughts on the web. The Kremlin began to see that freedom as a threat, particularly after the rise of opposition activist Alexei Navalny, who died in prison last year. His exposes of the Putin elite, initially publicized in Live Journal blog posts and later in popular YouTube videos, gave him millions of followers online and the power to mobilize mass protests on the street. Since the first decade of Putin's rule, Moscow had been articulating a vision for what it called a 'sovereign' internet that would sever Russia as much as possible from the rest of the online world and strip power from foreign tech firms, which didn't always give in to the Kremlin's demands. But Putin's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 gave the government the opportunity to accelerate the plan. On the eve of the invasion, the state indirectly took over VK, the country's biggest social network, harnessing a platform with millions of existing users to popularize Russian alternatives to Western tech products. The son of Putin's powerful first deputy chief of staff, Sergei V. Kiriyenko, was tapped to run the company. Moscow banned Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter outright and took steps that caused TikTok to disable functions in Russia. Lawmakers passed Draconian laws stifling free expression in the streets and online. Last year, after building out a video-streaming service on VK, Russia began throttling YouTube, pushing users toward the domestic alternative, though with mixed success. Advertisement Now, with the introduction of MAX, authorities have signaled they may take aim at foreign messaging apps, in particular WhatsApp, which is owned by Meta and counts nearly 100 million monthly users in Russia. Telegram could be a target as well. Anton V. Gorelkin, deputy head of the information technology committee in Russia's lower house of parliament, said last month that WhatsApp should 'prepare to leave the Russian market.' He said Russians would replace the app with MAX. At an economic forum in June, Gorelkin also called Telegram, based in the United Arab Emirates and owned by Russian-born internet entrepreneur Pavel Durov, 'an entity that worries the state.' But he said previously that the app would not be banned. 'I am very afraid that other methods of communication are going to be blocked,' said Mikhail Klimarev, head of the Internet Protection Society, an exiled Russian digital-rights group. Beyond messaging, Telegram allows Russians access to content from exiled journalists, activists, and artists, who post in channels. At the same time, the Kremlin uses Telegram to distribute its own propaganda, giving the app a chance of survival. Klimarev said a Telegram blockage would devastate the Russian internet. 'Russia will turn into Mordor,' he said, referring to the dark realm ruled by evil in the writings of J.R.R. Tolkien. Through MAX, Russian officials are hoping to create their own version of China's WeChat, an app that remains indispensable for millions of Chinese despite being both censored and monitored. Apart from messaging and uploading posts, WeChat users can pay utility bills, book train tickets, make payments for goods and services, apply for marriage licenses, and in some places even file for divorce. Advertisement Moscow is following that model. A new law says government services must be offered through MAX. Officials across all levels of Russian government are being told to install the app. Already, local authorities have been testing the use of MAX by schools and signaling that teachers will be required to use it to communicate with students and parents. 'You need to bring it into the daily life of people to the extent that you cannot avoid this app anymore,' said Philipp Dietrich, an analyst at the German Council on Foreign Relations. 'The whole point of doing this is the same reason China is doing WeChat: the more information you can gather against your citizens, the better,' Dietrich added. This article originally appeared in
12 hours ago
A year after a bloody uprising, Bangladesh is far from political stability
DHAKA, Bangladesh -- Abdur Rahman Tarif was talking to his sister Meherunnesa over the phone when the voice on the other end of the call suddenly fell silent. In that moment, Tarif knew something bad had happened. He rushed home, dodging the exchange of fire between security forces and protesters on the streets of Dhaka. When he finally arrived, he discovered his parents tending to his bleeding sister. A stray bullet had hit Meherunnesa's chest while she was standing beside the window of her room, Tarif said. She was taken to a hospital where doctors declared her dead. Meherunnesa, 23, was killed on Aug. 5 last year, the same day Bangladesh's former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was forced to flee the country in a massive student-led uprising, which ended her 15-year rule. For much of Bangladesh, Hasina's ouster was a moment of joy. Three days later, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus took over the country as head of an interim government, promising to restore order and hold a new election after necessary reforms. A year on, Bangladesh is still reeling from that violence, and Hasina now faces trial for crimes against humanity, in absentia as she is in exile in India. But despite the bloodshed and lives lost, many say the prospect for a better Bangladesh with a liberal democracy, political tolerance and religious and communal harmony has remained a challenge. 'The hope of the thousands who braved lethal violence a year ago when they opposed Sheikh Hasina's abusive rule to build a rights-respecting democracy remains unfulfilled,' said Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, a New York-based human rights group. Bangladesh's anti-government movement exacted a heavy price. Hundreds of people, mostly students, were killed in violent protests. Angry demonstrators torched police stations and government buildings. Political opponents often clashed with each other, sometimes leading to gruesome killings. Like many Bangladeshis, Tarif and his sister took part in the uprising, hoping for a broader political change, particularly after when one of their cousins was shot and killed by security forces. "We could not stay home and wanted Sheikh Hasina to go,' 20-year-old Tarif said. 'Ultimately we wanted a country without any discrimination and injustice.' Today, his hopes lie shattered. 'We wanted a change, but I am frustrated now,' he said. After taking the reins, the Yunus-led administration formed 11 reform commissions, including a national consensus commission that is working with major political parties for future governments and the electoral process. Bickering political parties have failed to reach a consensus on a timetable and process for elections. Mob violence, political attacks on rival parties and groups, and hostility to women's rights and vulnerable minority groups by religious hardliners have all surged. Some of the fear and repression that marked Hasina's rule, and abuses such as widespread enforced disappearances, appear to have ended, rights groups say. However, they accuse the new government of using arbitrary detention to target perceived political opponents, especially Hasina's supporters, many of whom have been forced to go into hiding. Hasina's Awami League party, which remains banned, says more than two dozen of its supporters have died in custody over the last one year. Human Rights Watch in a statement on July 30 said the interim government 'is falling short in implementing its challenging human rights agenda.' It said violations against ethnic and other minority groups in some parts of Bangladesh have continued. 'The interim government appears stuck, juggling an unreformed security sector, sometimes violent religious hardliners, and political groups that seem more focused on extracting vengeance on Hasina's supporters than protecting Bangladeshis' rights,' said Ganguly. Yunus' office routinely rejects these allegations. Bangladesh also faces political uncertainty over a return to democratically held elections. Yunus has been at loggerheads with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, or BNP, now the main contender for power. The party headed by former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia has demanded elections either in December or February next year. Yunus has said they could be held in April. The interim government has also cleared the way for the Islamists, who were under severe pressure during Hasina's regime, to rise, while the student leaders who spearheaded the uprising have formed a new political party. The students' party demands that the constitution be rewritten, if needed entirely, and says it won't allow the election without major reforms. Meanwhile, many hardline Islamists have either fled prison or have been released, and the Jamaat-e-Islami, the country's largest Islamist party, which has a controversial past, is now aspiring to a role in government. It often bitterly criticizes the BNP, equating it with Hasina's Awami League, and recently held a massive rally in Dhaka as a show of power. Critics fear that greater influence of the Islamist forces could fragment Bangladesh's political landscape further. 'Any rise of Islamists demonstrates a future Bangladesh where radicalization could get a shape where so-called disciplined Islamist forces could work as a catalyst against liberal and moderate forces,' political analyst Nazmul Ahsan Kalimullah said. Worries also remain over whether the government is ultimately capable of enacting reforms. 'People's expectation was (that) Yunus government will be focused and solely geared towards reforming the electoral process. But now it's a missed opportunity for them,' Kalimullah said. For some, not much has changed in the last year. Meherunnesa's father, Mosharraf Hossain, said the uprising was not for a mere change in government, but symbolized deeper frustrations. 'We want a new Bangladesh … It's been 54 years since independence, yet freedom was not achieved,' he said. Tarif echoed his father's remarks, adding that he was not happy with the current state of the country. 'I want to see the new Bangladesh as a place where I feel secure, where the law enforcement agencies will perform their duties properly, and no government will resort to enforced disappearances or killings like before. I want to have the right to speak freely,' he said.
San Francisco Chronicle
13 hours ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
A year after a bloody uprising, Bangladesh is far from political stability
DHAKA, Bangladesh (AP) — Abdur Rahman Tarif was talking to his sister Meherunnesa over the phone when the voice on the other end of the call suddenly fell silent. In that moment, Tarif knew something bad had happened. He rushed home, dodging the exchange of fire between security forces and protesters on the streets of Dhaka. When he finally arrived, he discovered his parents tending to his bleeding sister. A stray bullet had hit Meherunnesa's chest while she was standing beside the window of her room, Tarif said. She was taken to a hospital where doctors declared her dead. Meherunnesa, 23, was killed on Aug. 5 last year, the same day Bangladesh's former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was forced to flee the country in a massive student-led uprising, which ended her 15-year rule. For much of Bangladesh, Hasina's ouster was a moment of joy. Three days later, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus took over the country as head of an interim government, promising to restore order and hold a new election after necessary reforms. A year on, Bangladesh is still reeling from that violence, and Hasina now faces trial for crimes against humanity, in absentia as she is in exile in India. But despite the bloodshed and lives lost, many say the prospect for a better Bangladesh with a liberal democracy, political tolerance and religious and communal harmony has remained a challenge. 'The hope of the thousands who braved lethal violence a year ago when they opposed Sheikh Hasina's abusive rule to build a rights-respecting democracy remains unfulfilled,' said Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, a New York-based human rights group. Stalled change Bangladesh's anti-government movement exacted a heavy price. Hundreds of people, mostly students, were killed in violent protests. Angry demonstrators torched police stations and government buildings. Political opponents often clashed with each other, sometimes leading to gruesome killings. Like many Bangladeshis, Tarif and his sister took part in the uprising, hoping for a broader political change, particularly after when one of their cousins was shot and killed by security forces. "We could not stay home and wanted Sheikh Hasina to go,' 20-year-old Tarif said. 'Ultimately we wanted a country without any discrimination and injustice.' Today, his hopes lie shattered. 'We wanted a change, but I am frustrated now,' he said. After taking the reins, the Yunus-led administration formed 11 reform commissions, including a national consensus commission that is working with major political parties for future governments and the electoral process. Bickering political parties have failed to reach a consensus on a timetable and process for elections. Mob violence, political attacks on rival parties and groups, and hostility to women's rights and vulnerable minority groups by religious hardliners have all surged. Some of the fear and repression that marked Hasina's rule, and abuses such as widespread enforced disappearances, appear to have ended, rights groups say. However, they accuse the new government of using arbitrary detention to target perceived political opponents, especially Hasina's supporters, many of whom have been forced to go into hiding. Hasina's Awami League party, which remains banned, says more than two dozen of its supporters have died in custody over the last one year. Human Rights Watch in a statement on July 30 said the interim government 'is falling short in implementing its challenging human rights agenda.' It said violations against ethnic and other minority groups in some parts of Bangladesh have continued. 'The interim government appears stuck, juggling an unreformed security sector, sometimes violent religious hardliners, and political groups that seem more focused on extracting vengeance on Hasina's supporters than protecting Bangladeshis' rights,' said Ganguly. Growing political uncertainty Bangladesh also faces political uncertainty over a return to democratically held elections. Yunus has been at loggerheads with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, or BNP, now the main contender for power. The party headed by former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia has demanded elections either in December or February next year. Yunus has said they could be held in April. The interim government has also cleared the way for the Islamists, who were under severe pressure during Hasina's regime, to rise, while the student leaders who spearheaded the uprising have formed a new political party. The students' party demands that the constitution be rewritten, if needed entirely, and says it won't allow the election without major reforms. Meanwhile, many hardline Islamists have either fled prison or have been released, and the Jamaat-e-Islami, the country's largest Islamist party, which has a controversial past, is now aspiring to a role in government. It often bitterly criticizes the BNP, equating it with Hasina's Awami League, and recently held a massive rally in Dhaka as a show of power. Critics fear that greater influence of the Islamist forces could fragment Bangladesh's political landscape further. 'Any rise of Islamists demonstrates a future Bangladesh where radicalization could get a shape where so-called disciplined Islamist forces could work as a catalyst against liberal and moderate forces,' political analyst Nazmul Ahsan Kalimullah said. Worries also remain over whether the government is ultimately capable of enacting reforms. 'People's expectation was (that) Yunus government will be focused and solely geared towards reforming the electoral process. But now it's a missed opportunity for them,' Kalimullah said. A frustrated population For some, not much has changed in the last year. Meherunnesa's father, Mosharraf Hossain, said the uprising was not for a mere change in government, but symbolized deeper frustrations. 'We want a new Bangladesh … It's been 54 years since independence, yet freedom was not achieved,' he said. Tarif echoed his father's remarks, adding that he was not happy with the current state of the country. 'I want to see the new Bangladesh as a place where I feel secure, where the law enforcement agencies will perform their duties properly, and no government will resort to enforced disappearances or killings like before. I want to have the right to speak freely,' he said. ——
