logo
OpenAI wants to have a finger in the European AI Gigafactory pie

OpenAI wants to have a finger in the European AI Gigafactory pie

Euractiv14-07-2025
The AI giant behind ChatGPT has expressed interest in joining a key EU AI infrastructure project to build out so-called AI gigafactories.
The Commission has been keenly pushing the concept of high capacity AI hubs to provide infrastructure for European companies for training their own large AI models.
The initiative had originally been announced in January and has since been folded into the AI Continent Action Plan.
Late on Friday OpenAI confirmed that it has formally expressed interest in getting involved.
'These projects are early-stage but they have the potential to power Europe's future,' OpenAI wrote in a blog post in which the ChatGPT developer also announced its intention to sign up to the bloc's newly published Code of Practice for General Purpose AIs (GPAI).
The EU's approach to AI blends rules for AI developers, under the AI Act, with ecosystem support measures – including gigafactories – that aim to accelerate homegrown AIs.
Last month Tech Commissioner Henna Virkkunen announced that the Commission had received more interest in the gigafactory initiative than it had expected – with 76 expressions of interest in building AI hubs. She also said some of these had come from non-European companies but did not disclose the names of any private players at that point.
In its blog post, OpenAI also announced what it framed as a wider 'European AI infrastructure campaign' – saying it's working with European governments to roll out public-private partnerships.
The company also said it's interested in raising country-level funds with willing governments to fund AI startups at a national level.
The developments follow the EU Commission publishing the long-awaited Code of Practice for GPAIs last week. The Code provides detail on the steps that developers of multi-purpose models – such as OpenAI's GPT – can voluntarily take in order to help them comply with the legally binding AI Act.
The drafting process for the Code was long and heavy lobbied by industry, as well as raising civil society concerns. And there is still a lot of uncertainty over who will sign up.
Both OpenAI and France's Mistral have since said they will commit to abiding by the newly completed guidebook. But other large AI companies – among them Google, Amazon and Meta – have so far declined to confirm their plans for the Code.
(nl)
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

France and Germany doomed to stay in unhappy fighter jet marriage
France and Germany doomed to stay in unhappy fighter jet marriage

Euractiv

time2 hours ago

  • Euractiv

France and Germany doomed to stay in unhappy fighter jet marriage

Defence firms have little choice but to accommodate political demands given Europe's next generation fighter jet has been a political project from the start Euractiv is part of the Trust Project Kjeld Neubert Euractiv Aug 20, 2025 06:30 5 min. read Analysis Based on factual reporting, although it Incorporates the expertise of the author/producer and may offer interpretations and conclusions. Squabbling over the next-generation FCAS fighter jet project has strained Franco-German relations in recent months, casting doubt on the programme's future. Yet despite disagreements, neither Paris nor Berlin would be happier if they pulled out of the multi-billion-euro Future Combat Air System (FCAS) programme, and doing so would mean no EU-only option for an advanced sixth-generation stealth fighter system, and dampen enthusiasm for cross-EU defence projects. "Germany and France are at a crossroads where if they decide to invest more they will make the project irreversible," Bertrand de Cordoue, a veteran aerospace industry expert now with the Jacques Delors Institute, told Euractiv. The project, envisioning a stealth fighter jet accompanied by autonomous drones, embedded in a sophisticated digital combat network, is approaching a major milestone later this year, as it moves from the planning phase towards building a prototype of the fighter jet, the programme's centrepiece. For the industry players involved, that next phase is one of only a few opportunities to renegotiate the project's terms. But the project has sparked various disagreements, notably over project leadership, but not only. The most public source of tension has been the unhappy relationship between the two lead aerospace contractors, Dassault Aviation and Airbus Defence, largely forced together by political deals cut in Paris and Berlin. Struggle over FCAS leadership Dassault CEO Éric Trappier has not been shy about pushing for a dominant role. In June, Trappier declared that his company could 'go at it alone' on FCAS. 'We are competitors that have to marry,' Jean-Brice Dumont, the head of air power at Airbus Defence, told journalists shortly afterwards at the Paris Air Show. Several industry observers and experts told Euractiv that Dassault and Airbus Defence will almost certainly have to work together, even if they would prefer to go their separate ways. From the very beginning, the effort to build an integrated air combat system has been politically driven. French President Emmanuel Macron and Germany's then-chancellor, Angela Merkel, launched the project in 2017, with Spain joining two years later. In July, Macron and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz reiterated political support for the programme. Their defence ministers are tasked with a plan to reconcile differences and move the €100 billion project forward by the end of August. France has a history of difficulty with joint European military aircraft projects. The country previously pulled out of the consortiums that developed the Tornado and Eurofighter jets. But the difficult state of French finances and major budget constraints are now limiting the options for Paris. France "does not have much room to make threats about going it alone", De Cordoue said. Stuart Dee, a defence economist at RAND Europe, told Euractiv that the cost to restart and develop a sixth-generation fighter from scratch would severely strain the finances of almost any single country. 'Only a very small number of nations globally can fund a programme of this scale independently, hence the original rationale of co-development between partners,' Dee said. Political risks for Merz and Macron Macron, whose final term as president ends in two years, helped launch FCAS and has been perhaps the strongest supporter of European integration and sovereignty on military matters. After having invested political capital in FCAS, the programme's collapse could leave a black mark on his legacy. 'For Macron, the aim is to cement this project before he has to leave office,' de Cordoue stated. Merz, who took office in May, has also cast himself as a champion of greater European defence cooperation. Losing FCAS would damage Merz's ambitions for Germany to be the EU's top military power. The Chancellor also touted himself as the man to rebuild Franco-German relations, which had grown frosty under his predecessor, Olaf Scholz – although that courtship has faltered recently. FCAS alternatives? If FCAS does fall apart, the countries could seek to join Europe's other flagship sixth-generation fighter jet project, the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP), with its Tempest jet. But that project – a joint effort between the United Kingdom, Italy and Japan – is already underway with a target delivery date of 2035. Any newcomer to the programme would have less influence over the project, and would likely struggle to secure major involvement for domestic defence contractors. Justin Bronk, air power expert at British defence think-tank RUSI, said the GCAP countries have largely finalised the division of contracts, work and other elements of the programme, making it very difficult to add big industrial players from Germany or elsewhere at this stage. Dee agreed, adding that such a move 'would need to consider the considerable investment and interests of non-European players such as Japan." Customer is always right Those factors give Germany, France and Spain major incentives to stick with the FCAS programme – and political leaders, not corporate executives, will make the final decisions on how to proceed. 'Whoever pays calls the shots. And in the end, it is the state that pays, not industry,' German MP Christoph Schmid, rapporteur for the German Air Force, told Euractiv. 'That is why I believe that there is still leverage to get industry to cooperate.' De Cordoue said a similar dynamic exists in Paris: 'The French government has the political power to convince Dassault to carry on with the project, as they did from the beginning.' Though defence firms may grumble, they depend on government contracts and gain more by accommodating political will than by opposing it. (bts, cp)

Europe must stop playing middleman and start leading on Ukraine
Europe must stop playing middleman and start leading on Ukraine

Euractiv

time18 hours ago

  • Euractiv

Europe must stop playing middleman and start leading on Ukraine

Apostolos Thomadakis is Research Fellow and Head of the Financial Markets and Institutions Unit at the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS), and Head of Research at the European Capital Markets Institute (ECMI). The latest revelations about Ukraine's proposals to Washington are telling. Kyiv is preparing to pledge $100 billion in American weapons purchases, financed largely by the EU, in exchange for US security guarantees after a peace deal with Russia. On top of this, Ukraine has offered a $50 billion drone production partnership with US firms. These proposals are designed to appeal to President Trump's transactional instincts, but they also expose an uncomfortable truth: Europe pays the bill while Washington writes the script. The same imbalance is visible in trade. The EU has just concluded a tariff deal with the US that many in Europe regard as a capitulation . Facing the threat of 30% tariffs, Brussels accepted a 15% tariff on most goods, kept 50% tariffs on steel and aluminium and pledged hundreds of billions in US gas purchases and investments. The outcome may have prevented an immediate trade war, but it reinforced a pattern: Washington sets the terms, Europe absorbs the costs. Taken together, these two developments point to a dangerous trajectory. On both security and trade, the EU has drifted into the role of payer and middleman, financing arrangements that serve US priorities while limiting its own ability to act independently . In Ukraine, Europe risks being reduced to financing American weapons and underwriting Trump's 'deal-making', rather than defining the conditions of peace and stability on its own continent. In trade, Europe has accepted asymmetric concessions that weaken its negotiating leverage and signal vulnerability. The ceasefire discussions show how dependent Europe has become. In Washington, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz was reduced to pleading with President Trump to secure a ceasefire with Russia, presenting Europe's position as reactive and dependent. Ukraine, for its part, rightly insists that any settlement must not rest on concessions to Moscow. But the fact that Kyiv courts Washington rather than Brussels for security guarantees reveals how absent the EU remains from the geopolitical table. Europe must break this cycle. By playing the middleman – between Washington and Kyiv, between Washington and Moscow, between Washington and its own member states – the EU abdicates its role as a shaper of outcomes and confines itself to footing the bill. What would leadership look like? Europe should no longer limit itself to financing other people's strategies. It must set its own. That means designing a European security framework for Ukraine, anchored in EU and NATO commitments, with American support but not American primacy. It means pursuing trade policy from a position of strength, resisting coercion and diversifying energy and technology partnerships so Europe cannot be held hostage. It also means unity of purpose: a coordinated diplomatic initiative that frames the ceasefire and peace process in terms of Europe's own security order, not America's electoral calendar. For years, the EU has spoken about becoming less dependent on others for its security – what policymakers call 'strategic autonomy'. The twin challenges of war in Ukraine and economic coercion from the US show that this must move from rhetoric to reality. The Ukrainian document itself notes that 'lasting peace shall be based not on concessions and free gifts to Putin, but on a strong security framework that will prevent future aggression'. Europe must ensure that framework is European-led – otherwise, it risks financing an American-designed settlement that leaves its own security fragile. The tariff deal offers a parallel lesson. A Union that cannot defend its own economic interests will struggle to defend its security interests. History will not judge Europe kindly if it remains a middleman – paying, pleading and reacting – rather than leading. At stake is not only Ukraine's sovereignty but Europe's credibility as a geopolitical actor. The time has come for the Union to stop paying for other people's strategies and start writing its own.

Europeans divided over where to spend their new military budget bonanza
Europeans divided over where to spend their new military budget bonanza

Euractiv

timea day ago

  • Euractiv

Europeans divided over where to spend their new military budget bonanza

As Europe prepares for a decade-long arms shopping spree to rebuild neglected militaries and narrow the gap with US firepower, its spending choices will shape the continent's industrial base for years to come. In June, NATO countries agreed to spend 3.5% of their Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on defence in order to meet the military capability requirements outlined in the alliance's defence plans. For the 23 EU members of NATO, this means a whopping annual increase of nearly €270 billion, according to calculations from the Bruegel think tank. These funds are expected largely to flow into the defence industry and military recruitment. A central question is now whether European countries will invest in developing their domestic defence industry or continue to rely heavily on US-made equipment. The NATO spending commitments are simple targets, leaving each ally relatively free to decide what exact weapons to buy and from whom. European allies are splitting along a spectrum, from those leaning heavily on US weapons to those insisting on buying European, with each path offering both short-term fixes and longer-term strategic bets. On the spectrum US-made systems have a clear attraction. High-end options such as the F-35 fighter jet or Patriot air-defence batteries carry eye-watering price tags but can help governments hit NATO's spending target quickly. For underfunded militaries, big-ticket purchases have long been the fastest way to show progress after years of neglect. The Patriot is a case in point. One battery costs around $1 billion, and each interceptor missile comes with a roughly $4 million price tag. In August, a small group of European countries agreed to purchase more Patriots, further increasing their defence budgets and reliance on US-made gear. A European alternative to the Patriot, the Franco-Italian SAMP/T battery and Aster 30 missiles, is around a third cheaper. France and Spain in particular have argued that building a robust European defence industry is an essential security priority. To that end, France has long avoided buying US-made weaponry whenever possible. The two countries joined with Germany on the ambitious and expensive Future Combat Air System (FCAS) next-generation fighter jet project, a European alternative to foreign options, particularly those produced in the US. At the other end of the spectrum, Poland has seen its national security priorities centred on quickly acquiring military hardware in large quantities, regardless of the source. Europe's clear defence spending champion, Warsaw has more than doubled its military budget in just five years, hired tens of thousands of additional soldiers and modernised its fleet of F-16 fighters while also buying new fifth-generation F-35 jets. The Polish armed forces also stocked up on rocket launchers, more than 100 new helicopters, scores of heavy tanks and much more. The country has prioritised speed in deals for military equipment, a key motivation behind Warsaw's burgeoning relationship with South Korean arms makers. Poland has been more wary of big-ticket European defence projects while maintaining deep ties to a number of US defence contractors. Is reliance on the US healthy? Most European NATO forces have extensively purchased American gear for years, assuming it would guarantee them a better relationship with Washington, the military alliance's dominant power. But Donald Trump's return to the White House earlier this year, and his administration's reluctance to promise Europeans unambiguous support in case of war, has forced governments to question whether buying American really buys influence or favourable treatment. Critics warn that purchasing further US-made equipment does little to resolve Europe's dependence on American technology or foster the growth of the European defence industry. NATO's spending target also contains no incentives to purchase European-made products to build up local industrial capacity. Instead, the GDP-based target can reward splurging on the priciest gear or enormous quantities of useless gear to show money is being spent, or favour exporters that can deliver fastest – often from the US or South Korea – while many European production lines face backlogs, especially in missile and ammunition production. That spending race has already pushed up prices in the global arms market, where costs have soared since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The price of NATO-standard 155mm artillery shells has quadrupled, from around €2,000 before the war to about €8,000 recently. However, focusing on budget figures alone risks prioritising optics over efficiency and real war-fighting capacity. That was a criticism voiced by Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez when he rejected NATO's new GDP-based targets, arguing that Spain could deliver the required military capabilities while spending significantly less. But NATO countries signed up to the task at The Hague summit in June, and will spend the next years trying to meet expectations. The alliance grades progress in yearly updates, adding pressure to deliver on their promises. (mm, bts, cp)

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store