Senate endorses new attorney-general
Mr Ittiporn, the most senior deputy attorney-general, received 172 votes during the closed-door meeting. Fourteen senators abstained and one opted not to participate.
All 11 members of the Public Prosecutors Commission unanimously approved Mr Ittiporn's nomination on May 7 and forwarded it to the upper house for further review and confirmation.
With the Senate process now complete, Mr Ittiporn is set to officially assume office on Oct 1.
Mr Ittiporn holds a bachelor's degree in law from Thammasat University and later passed the bar exam before earning a master's degree in law from Chulalongkorn University.
He began his career as an assistant public prosecutor in 1987. He rose steadily through the ranks, holding a series of senior positions within the public prosecution service.
He previously undertook the highest-ranking prosecutorial roles in several provinces, including Nonthaburi, Nakhon Nayok, Phetchaburi and Nakhon Sawan.
Mr Ittiporn became more widely known to the public during his tenure as spokesman for the Office of the Attorney-General (OAG) from 2020-22. During that time, he was also chairman of a working group responsible for drafting guidelines for the enforcement of Section 112 of the Criminal Code, commonly referred to as the lese-majeste law. (Story continues below)
Legitimacy in question
Before Tuesday's vote, Senator Nantana Nantavaropas once again voiced her opposition to the proceedings, saying that the Senate should not move forward with key appointments while dozens of members are still facing questions about their eligibility.
Senator Nantana raised a similar, but unsuccessful, objection last week during consideration of a Supreme Administrative Court judge nomination.
Over 150 senators have reportedly been summoned by the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) and the Election Commission (EC) in connection with allegations of vote-rigging in the Senate polls in June 2024.
The investigations focus on 'blue bloc' senators, a reference to a large group linked to the Bhumjaithai Party.
The final Senate vote on June 26 last year produced highly unusual results, notably a disproportionate number of winners from provinces where Bhumjaithai is strong electorally.
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Bangkok Post
18 hours ago
- Bangkok Post
Losing the narrative
Since the border clashes between Thailand and Cambodia began and up until the recently brokered ceasefire, Thailand has struggled to present its position to the world. However, the joint press briefing by the Thai military and Foreign Ministry during a visit by military attachés to the conflict zone on Friday marked one of the most coherent and assertive efforts to communicate the facts on the ground. One of the key lessons from this conflict is the critical importance of proactive diplomacy and strategic communication with the international community. This responsibility lies squarely with the government, national leadership and the Foreign Ministry. Yet Cambodia has consistently outpaced Thailand in projecting its narrative, winning sympathy abroad, even as facts on the ground indicate otherwise. Evidence clearly shows that civilian areas, including schools, hospitals and entire communities, have been damaged by indiscriminate military attacks by Cambodian forces, and Thailand did not open fire on civilians nor historic sites. Even after a ceasefire was agreed, Cambodia violated the terms with continued shelling. Still, Thailand has failed to tell the world about the glaring violation of the Geneva Convention Additional Protocol I (1977) and customary international humanitarian law. Comments by Sean O'Neill, nominee for US ambassador to Thailand, underscored the perception gap Thailand faces internationally. During his Senate confirmation hearing, Mr O'Neill criticised the border conflict as harmful and counterproductive, saying it neither benefits Thais nor strengthens the US-Thailand alliance, but instead results in unnecessary loss and hardship. That message did not reflect an understanding of Thailand's defensive position or the complexities of the situation. Similarly, statements from China have not helped improve Thailand's standing in the eyes of the global community. The underlying problem is Thailand's passive diplomatic posture and weak communication campaign. The government has spent each day fending off Cambodian accusations, many of which are distorted or false, without clearly asserting Thailand's own narrative. As Cambodian strongman Hun Sen eloquently pushes his narratives on the global stage, Thailand's leadership is out of sight, and Thai netizens and social media influencers fill the gap. Domestically, the government faces a crisis of confidence. A recent leak of an audio clip featuring Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra and Hun Sen has deepened public mistrust. A poll by Rangsit University shows that over 60% of Thais have no confidence in the prime minister's ability to manage the Thai-Cambodian conflict, while only 1% expressed strong confidence. Similarly, a survey by the Institute of Future Studies for Development found 85.5% of respondents had little or no trust in the government. In contrast, a poll by the Asia Vision Institute in Phnom Penh found that 93.6% of Cambodians were satisfied with their government's handling of the situation. The Friday briefing to foreign military attachés was direct, well-documented and addressed Cambodia's allegations point by point. Unfortunately, it came late. No matter how justified Thailand's actions may be, if the world remains unaware, Thailand will continue to lose ground in international diplomacy. A new era of proactive, strategic diplomacy must begin now. Since the outbreak of border clashes between Thailand and Cambodia, up until the recently brokered ceasefire, Thailand has struggled to effectively present its position to the world. However, the joint press briefing by the Thai military and Foreign Ministry during a visit by military attachés to the conflict zone on Friday marked one of the most coherent and assertive efforts to communicate the facts on the ground. One of the key lessons from this border conflict is the critical importance of proactive diplomacy and strategic communication with the international community. This responsibility lies squarely with the government, national leadership, and the Foreign Ministry. Yet, Cambodia has consistently outpaced Thailand in projecting its narrative, winning sympathy abroad, even as facts on the ground indicate otherwise. Evidence clearly shows that c ivilian areas, including schools, hospitals, and entire communities, have suffered indiscriminate attacks by Cambodian forces and Thailand did not open fires. Even after a ceasefire was agreed, Cambodia reportedly violated the terms with continued shelling. Still, Thailand has failed to turn these facts into international awareness and support. Comments by Sean O'Neill, the nominee for U.S. ambassador to Thailand, underscored the perception gap Thailand faces internationally. During his Senate confirmation hearing, O'Neill criticised the border conflict as harmful and counterproductive, saying it neither benefits the Thai people nor strengthens the US-Thailand alliance, but instead results in unnecessary loss and hardship. That message did not reflect an understanding of Thailand's defensive position or the complexities of the situation. Similarly, statements from China have not helped improve Thailand's standing in the eyes of the global community. The underlying problem is Thailand's passive diplomatic posture. The government has spent each day fending off Cambodian accusations, many of which are distorted or false, without clearly asserting Thailand's own narrative. The leadership has remained largely absent from global discourse. In the resulting vacuum, Thai netizens and social media influencers have stepped in to share the truth with the world. Domestically, the government faces a crisis of confidence. A recent leak of an audio clip featuring Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra and former Cambodian leader Hun Sen has deepened public mistrust. A poll conducted by Rangsit University shows that over 60% of Thais have no confidence in the prime minister's ability to manage the Thai-Cambodian conflict, while only 1% expressed strong confidence. Similarly, a survey by the Institute of Future Studies for Development found that 85.59% of respondents had little or no trust in the current government. In contrast, a poll by the Asia Vision Institute in Phnom Penh found that 93.6% of Cambodians were satisfied with their government's handling of the situation. The Friday briefing to foreign military attachés was a rare moment when Thailand presented its side with clarity and conviction. It was direct, well-documented, and addressed Cambodia's allegations point by point. Unfortunately, it came late. The global narrative had already taken shape, influenced by early and sustained Cambodian messaging. Thailand must learn from this experience. In a world where communication moves at the speed of social media and perception often overrides fact, even the truth needs a strategy. No matter how justified Thailand's actions may be, if the world remains unaware, Thailand will continue to lose ground in international diplomacy, especially in conflicts with smaller, seemingly less powerful nations like Cambodia. A new era of proactive, strategic diplomacy must begin now.
Bangkok Post
18 hours ago
- Bangkok Post
Cambodia 'cosying up to US'
Cambodia's efforts to drag the United States into the Thai-Cambodian border conflict are an attempt to build broader support rather than marking a shift away from its close relationship with China, experts say. Dulyapak Preecharush, deputy director of the East Asian Studies Institute at Thammasat University, said although Cambodia has long leaned heavily towards China, it has flirted for engagement with the US under Hun Manet's leadership. When China appeared to stall on the construction of Funan Techo Canal, one of Cambodia's megaprojects, several months ago, the Cambodian government welcomed a US warship to Sihanoukville, a port where Chinese investments are heavily concentrated. He said if the US gains strategic access to Cambodia's naval facilities, China would likely see it as a direct challenge which could heighten tensions in the region. Mr Dulyapak said Phnom Penh is employing a two-faced strategy to balance the two superpowers and such a move is likely to disturb Beijing which has made massive economic and strategic investments in Cambodia. And from an East Asian cultural perspective, this may be viewed as a form of betrayal, he said. "China will likely try to counter this by either expanding its investments in Cambodia to counter the US or strengthening ties with Thailand," he said. He said the US cannot afford to abandon its longstanding ties and strategic alliance with Thailand, and military facilities in U-Tapao in Rayong or Thap Lamu in Phangnga hold significance to the US strategy in the Indo-Pacific region. "So even China and the US increasingly focus on Cambodia, neither can drop Thailand as they both have the grand strategy to get control in the Indian Ocean and the Pacific," he said. Cambodia, he said, appears to be doing everything it can to attract international support in the conflict with Thailand, but he warned that there is a price to pay. Major countries usually assess their strategic interests before getting involved and Cambodia must prepare for the long-term risks of this strategy, he warned. Thailand, meanwhile, must not underestimate Cambodia's geopolitical play, he said, adding that China and the US may become new players in the division of interests in the Gulf of Thailand which is already shared among Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam, and Malaysia. "This could turn the Gulf of Thailand into a flashpoint of regional geopolitics," he said. He said Cambodia's move to take the dispute to the International Court of Justice is unlikely to make much impact because Thailand, like the US, does not recognise the ICJ's jurisdiction. "What's more important is whether Thailand decides to pursue a war crimes case against Hun Sen at the International Criminal Court," he said. 'THE MASTER OF LOBBYING' Wanwichit Boonprong, a political science expert at Rangsit University, said Cambodia's move reflects Hun Sen's pattern of breaking a deal with an existing supporter and shifting towards a new supporter who may offer greater advantages. He said this is a gamble aimed at buying favour and based on the assumption the US, which can play any role it wants in international affairs to benefit itself, can pressure Thailand. "Hun Sen thinks that using China to pressure Thailand is out of the question due to deep and longstanding ties. China simply won't interfere in that way," he said. Cambodia's shift is likely due to China's crackdown on scammer networks which has affected its underground economy, Mr Wanwichit said. Asked how Thailand should handle the situation, he said the real concern is not Thailand's position, but whether the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is ready to act, as it has come under heavy criticism for its slow response to the border crisis. He said Thailand has far more complex and attractive interests than Cambodia and it is believed a major energy company is eyeing future concessions. It also explains why Hun Sen has combined business and politics to his advantage, he said. "We must strengthen our teams first. Cambodia also underestimates Thailand. We may not be good at complaining to the international community, but we are the master of lobbying," he said. A PLAY FOR POWER Virot Ali, an international relations lecturer at Thammasat University, said Cambodia's efforts to strengthen ties with the US is unlikely to mark a shift from China. Rather, it reflects Cambodia's diplomatic approach of leaning toward whoever offers greater interest. Cambodia cannot totally shift from China due to its heavy economic reliance on Chinese investments and its current efforts to court the US are likely driven by two key factors: the border tensions with Thailand and the US reciprocal tariff. Cambodia has been granted a 19% tariff rate which is favourable given that it faced a 49% US tariff, he said. Mr Virot said, however, that US-Cambodia ties are unlikely to turn into meaningful gains on the global stage and that in the border dispute, Thailand is more likely to receive broader support in international forums. On the territorial claims, Cambodia could petition the ICJ but the matter is not about international support, but whether Thailand will take part in the legal process, he said. So far there is no sign of the US or China taking a stance on the border conflict. He said Cambodia's international campaign is aimed at pressuring Thailand, but has had little real impact. "There are facts on the ground and foreign news agencies in Thailand understand the situation that Cambodia didn't respect the ceasefire pact and targeted civilians," he said. When asked about Cambodia's plan to revive military exercises with the US, he said it is clear the US wants to reassert its presence in the region after more than a decade of keeping a distance. This is part of the larger strategy to contain China's influence and its re-entry into the region has implications especially for Beijing while Thailand must decide how it will navigate the tensions between these two powers, he said. US RE-ENGAGEMENT Panitan Wattanayagorn, an independent national security scholar, said the US ties with Cambodia should prompt Thailand to be more vigilant and adjust its relationship with the US especially through long-standing military ties. He said if Thailand does not act, Cambodia may turn even more unfriendly towards Thailand while noting that recent remarks by the incoming US ambassador are a cause for concern as they suggest trust issues and a distant relationship. Regarding a delegation from the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces visiting the US Indo-Pacific Command, he said Cambodia wants to develop an air force and needs US assistance while China remains Cambodia's primary partner in naval development. This is Phnom Penh seeking a balance between China and the US and Thailand will have to find a new balance, too, he said. When asked whether Cambodia's ties with the US could give Phnom Penh an edge on the international stage, Mr Panitan said there is a possibility given Washington's ambiguous stance toward Thailand. He added that the equal 19% tariff granted to both countries could be perceived as a diplomatic win for Cambodia. Regarding the territorial claims, he said Cambodia, which as a small country, needs international backing and has drawn up a foreign policy "game" and followed it, but Thailand might have underestimated its play. He suggested Thailand should press Unesco and the global community to urge Cambodia's withdrawal from ancient ruins and use a bilateral framework for negotiations. Mr Panitan said Thailand has recently begun to counter Cambodia's play, but it is not on the offensive yet. "We must broaden our diplomacy to reduce Cambodia's ability to twist information at global forums and bring the dispute back to bilateral talks. That's what we must do and we haven't done enough of it," he said.
Bangkok Post
2 days ago
- Bangkok Post
US tariff opens 'opportunity' to reorient economy
An economist is urging the government to adopt a three-phase strategy to cushion the impact of the newly-imposed 19% US tariff, warning that while the immediate effect may not be catastrophic, the move exposes deeper structural vulnerabilities. Asst Prof Kiatanantha Lounkaew, of Thammasat University's Faculty of Economics, said on Saturday the tariff, which came into effect on Friday, should not only be seen as a threat but as an opportunity to reorient the economy for long-term resilience. He proposed a phased response to mitigate shocks and drive structural reform. In the short term (0–6 months), he recommended a relief fund be set up by the Finance Ministry and Board of Investment to offer low-interest loans and liquidity support to affected exporters, particularly SMEs. Temporary tax relief and tariff cuts on essential raw materials should also be considered, along with aggressive market diversification into regions such as India, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America, he said. The medium-term plan (6–18 months) should focus on restructuring supply chains, reducing foreign dependency and promoting industries aligned with sustainability goals, he said. New investment incentives must align with global standards like ESG criteria and carbon border taxes, he added. He also stressed the need for workforce upskilling and the integration of digital tools like AI and big data. In the long run (1.5–5 years), Thailand must shift from being a low-cost manufacturing base to a regional hub for high-value services and innovation, he said. This requires robust investment in R&D, patent development and upstream technologies, he added. Asst Prof Kiatanantha also proposed the formation of a Thai-US economic dialogue platform and active engagement in multilateral forums to avoid future trade frictions.
