Civil Society Shaping a Reparative Future for Africa
The panel discussion "The Role of Civil Society in a Future Rooted in Reparative Justice" brought together over 200 participants and served as a foundational dialogue of the forum. Central to the debates—both in formal sessions and informal discussions—were potential mechanisms for colonial reparations to African nations by former colonizing powers.
Thus, the basic reparations model involves calculating the unpaid labor of enslaved Africans. Applying this framework to the transatlantic slave trade: if 12.5 million Africans worked for 10 years without pay, with an estimated historical wage of $5 per day, the total amounts to over $2 trillion—excluding interest and compound growth.
An alternative model assesses the resources extracted during the colonial period. Between 1880 and 1960, European powers extracted billions in agricultural products, minerals, and taxes. For instance, some estimates suggest Britain drained over £100 billion (in today's value) from India. Similar calculations for Africa place colonial extractions between $4 and $6 trillion, accounting for lost revenues, forced labor, and the long-term effects of chronic underinvestment.
Discussions also explored the possibility of establishing a Global Reparations Fund, financed through:
State contributions from former colonial powers,
Windfall taxes on corporations that profited from exploitation,
Climate levies on polluters in Global North countries.
Kwesi Pratt Jr., a member of the International Coordinating Committee of the Pan-African Progressive Front and Director of Pan African Television, presented his book "History, Struggle, Politics, and the Case for Reparations" at the forum. Published in June 2025 with a foreword by Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama, the book offers a comprehensive study of the reparations movement, integrating historical, political, legal, and social perspectives. Pratt seeks to bridge the divides in reparations discourse, which often frames them as either a purely political, legal, or compensatory endeavor.
"No amount of money can repay the millions of lives lost in the transatlantic slave trade. Reparations are about restoring our world," Pratt stated. The book examines key historical milestones, such as the Pan-African Congresses, as well as contemporary initiatives like CARICOM's reparations campaign. It also provides practical guidance for civil society on mobilizing global support for reparative justice. Pratt expressed hope that his work would serve as a catalyst for a unified Pan-African movement, inspiring new generations of activists.
Dr. Catherine Brooks, Partnership Specialist at the UNDP's African Facility for Support to Inclusive Transitions (AFSA), highlighted that transitional periods—whether post-conflict or following unconstitutional government changes—present a unique opportunity to renegotiate social contracts.
Ambassador Amr Aljowaily, Director of the Citizens and Diaspora Directorate (CIDO) of the AU Commission, emphasized the institutional foundations of reparative justice. He referenced AU decisions that provide a mandate and framework for civil society organizations (CSOs) to operate.
"ECOSOCC and CIDO are platforms specifically designed to enable civil society to shape the Union's agenda. The Year's Theme is not a one-off event but a long-term commitment," stated Aljowaily, stressing the importance of partnerships, including collaboration with the Caribbean Community (CARICOM).
Makmid Kamara, Executive Director of Reform Initiatives, called for replacing traditional human rights education with reparative education that acknowledges historical crimes against Africans.
"Reparative justice is not charity—it is a right. We must revive African consciousness, reconnect the continent with its diaspora, and restore stolen lands to their people," Kamara asserted, highlighting the psychosocial dimensions of reparations.
Photo - https://mma.prnewswire.com/media/2728288/Kwesi_Pratt_Jr.jpg
View original content to download multimedia:https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/civil-society-shaping-a-reparative-future-for-africa-302501736.html
SOURCE The Civil Society Forum of the African Union's Economic, Social, and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC)
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
6 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Destination: Africa - Is it legal for US to deport foreign criminals to the continent?
The US administration has turned to the African continent as another destination to deport migrants who it says are convicted criminals. While dozens have been flown to countries in Central and South America, 12 men from countries including Mexico, Myanmar and Yemen were last month sent to Eswatini and South Sudan. One South Sudanese was also flown back home. Other African countries are also reportedly being courted by the US to accept people, whose home countries will not take them back, according to the US authorities. President Donald Trump's mass deportation pledge drew support during his campaign last year. But UN rights experts and human rights groups are alarmed by what has happened and argue that these removals to a nation that is not the migrant's place of origin – known as third countries - could violate international law. Is third-country deportation legal in international law? Third-country deportations can be legal - but only under certain conditions. "The whole concept of third-country removal has to be seen in light of the broader concept of asylum," says Prof Ray Brescia, from the Albany Law School in the US. "There is a principle in international law - non-refoulement - which means you are not supposed to return someone to their home country if it's unsafe for them, so a third country could provide a safe option," he says. This principle not only applies to the migrant's home country but also to any third country they might be sent to. If that country is unsafe, deportation may violate international law - as when the UK's Supreme Court blocked the British government's plan to send asylum seekers to Rwanda in 2023. Due process is also essential. Nigeria has 'enough problems' and can't take deportees from US, minister says 'We can't do without these people': Trump's migrant crackdown has businesses worried Migrants must have the chance to challenge deportation if the destination is dangerous, based on evidence from credible sources like UN reports or US State Department findings. Courts are expected to assess this risk carefully. "The courts should examine what kind of legal status migrants will have, if they'll be detained, and what kind of housing is provided," says Dr Alice Edwards, the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. But many migrants struggle to access legal support in time. "It takes significant effort and access to a lawyer who can act quickly," says Prof Brescia. "That legal route may not be available to everyone." Do the Eswatini and South Sudan deportations violate international law? "They certainly do in two respects," says Prof David Super, from Georgetown University Law Center. "There's no evidence the US is giving people a chance to challenge their deportation, and they're not permitted to send people to countries where they might face oppression. "South Sudan and Eswatini have serious questions about their human rights records," he tells the BBC. When the migrants were first bound for South Sudan in May, a legal challenge was filed in a US district court after the flight had already taken off. The judge ruled that the attempts to deport the men had violated his order that migrants must be allowed to challenge their removal to third countries. The plane was rerouted to Djibouti, on the East African coast, where the men were reportedly held in a shipping container on a US military base while the case was heard. The case was referred to the Supreme Court which allowed the deportations to proceed but did not specify whether South Sudan was deemed a safe place for the migrants. "What we've seen in similar cases is that people are often denied legal help when they need it, and proceedings begin far too late," says Dr Edwards. "In this case, they were already en route to a US military base and that's deeply problematic." She adds that the courts must remain apolitical, especially when basic rights are at stake. Lesotho declares state of disaster amid US tariff uncertainty US cuts visa validity for most Nigerian applicants Trump's tariffs could be death knell for US-Africa trade pact Prof Brescia warns that the Supreme Court's decision could set a dangerous precedent. "There's real concern it will encourage the administration to move even faster, before individuals can access the courts at all," he says. Are Eswatini and South Sudan safe? In addition to being denied due process, migrants are being sent to potentially unsafe countries - violating international law. The US State Department currently advises against all travel to South Sudan, citing threats including crime, armed conflict and kidnapping. Earlier this year, the country, one of the poorest in the world, was said to be on the brink of a return to civil war. "There are very real concerns about law and order in South Sudan - about violence, instability, and ongoing conflict," says Dr Edwards. Those deported to South Sudan are reportedly being held in a detention facility in the capital, Juba, known for poor conditions, according to political activist, Agel Rich Machar. The government has not confirmed their location or how long they will spend in detention. In Eswatini, a small landlocked kingdom in southern Africa, officials say the migrants are in a correctional facility and will be repatriated with support from the International Organization of Migration (IOM). The US State Department has said Eswatini's prisons face problems of overcrowding, poor ventilation, and deficiencies in dietary nutrition and health services. "We don't foresee they will stay long enough to be integrated into society," Eswatini government spokesperson Thabile Mdluli told the BBC, without giving any indication of how long they would stay in the country, or whether they would serve the rest of their sentences first. The US government says those who have been deported to Eswatini committed "barbaric" crimes including child rape, murder and sexual assault. A backlash is growing in Eswatini. The country's largest opposition party, the People's United Democratic Movement (Pudemo) says that the agreement between the two countries was "human trafficking disguised as a deportation deal". Pro-democracy activist Lucky Lukhele says the country must not become "a dumping ground for criminals". Even if international law has been violated, Prof Super says the US is unlikely to face consequences as it does not recognise many international courts. "This appears to be about deterrence, sending a message that if you come to the US you'll be treated very, very harshly," he says. Regardless of legality, third-country deportations often place vulnerable individuals in unfamiliar environments with little support or legal status, says Dr Edwards. "It's a deeply flawed idea." She stresses that the human rights community is not trying to block each and every deportation - only where people face human rights violations. What's in it for the host countries? The details of the deportation deals remain largely secret. Ms Mdluli tells the BBC that Eswatini's reasons for accepting the deportees "remains classified information for now". However, both the Eswatini and South Sudan governments cited their strong ties with the US as a key motivation. Prof Brescia suggests some countries may fear US retaliation if they refuse, such as stricter visa rules or higher tariffs. In April, the US said it would revoke all visas issued to South Sudanese nationals after it would not accept a deported citizen. It is not clear if that has changed, now that it has accepted deportees from the US. Political activist Machar says South Sudan has also agreed to this deal as it wants the US to lift sanctions on Vice-President Benjamin Bol Mel. The US government issued sanctions against Bol Mel in 2021 due to alleged corruption and renewed them this year. However, other countries, like Nigeria, are pushing back. "We have enough problems of our own," Nigerian Foreign Minister Yusuf Tuggar said in July, rejecting a request to take in Venezuelan detainees. Dr Edwards notes that such deals often come with incentives. "In past arrangements of third-country deportations, large sums of money, as well as military and security cooperation, were part of the package," she says. In March, reports said the Trump administration would pay El Salvador $6m (£4.5m) to accept Venezuelan deportees. You may also be interested in: US cuts visa validity for applicants from four African countries Six things Trump should know about Liberia after he praised leader's 'good English' Why Trump invited five African leaders to the White House Go to for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica BBC Africa podcasts Focus on Africa This Is Africa
Fast Company
37 minutes ago
- Fast Company
How to unlock e-commerce in Africa
Africa's e-commerce sector is experiencing a renaissance. In 2025, Africa's retail e-commerce is expected to reach over $39 billion, and $55 billion by 2029. This growth is driven by ambitious brands, from contemporary fashion labels to innovative lifestyle businesses, capturing both local and international demand. These businesses are leveraging digital commerce and modern payment rails to reach more customers than ever before. E-commerce is also emerging as a critical lever to help businesses recover from economic shocks and unlock the trade potential of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Yet one critical barrier threatens to limit their growth: access to affordable, flexible credit. Medium-scale e-commerce enterprises, those beyond micro-entrepreneurship but not yet large corporations, face a unique financing challenge. These businesses are too large for microfinance but often too small, or perceived as too risky, for traditional commercial banking. Despite steady sales, loyal customers, and growing brand equity, they struggle to secure financing to scale production, expand logistics, or invest in technology to serve a wider market. The financing shortfall for sub-Saharan Africa exceeds $331 billion, with medium-sized consumer-facing businesses among the hardest hit. A report by USAID and eTrade Alliance which surveyed over 2,000 micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSME) in Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa, shows that these businesses are eager to expand e-commerce capabilities, internet connectivity, and invest in digital transformation, but access to finance remains one of their greatest barriers. Consider, for instance, a mid-sized Nairobi fashion retailer that grew steadily through an online storefront but struggled to finance improved packaging and marketing to reach buyers in Europe. Despite years of consistent sales, it was unable to access credit on reasonable terms because traditional lenders viewed its cash flows as unpredictable. Cases like this are widespread. As Africa's middle class expands, with roughly 212 million people projected to reach middle income status by 2030 and consumer spending expected to hit $2 trillion in 2025—the demand for e-commerce will surge. However, tight credit access could block supply-side growth. When growing brands cannot secure credit to expand inventory, strengthen logistics, or build new supplier partnerships, they risk ceding market share to bigger, better capitalised competitors. These missed opportunities ripple through ecosystems and impact suppliers, logistics firms, and technology partners that depend on a thriving e-commerce sector. 4 things that need to improve Credit is not a luxury for these businesses. It is essential to transform local brands with global ambitions into long-term economic engines. It can do so by following these four principles. Smarter lending evaluation. Information asymmetry hinders small and medium enterprise (SME) financing in Africa; many small businesses lack formal financial records and credit history. This leads traditional lenders to demand high collateral given difficulty in assessing risk. To overcome this, lenders should use real-time transactional data (e.g., e-commerce sales, inventory, customer reviews) to accurately assess creditworthiness for excluded SMEs. Data-sharing partnerships. Payment providers, marketplaces, distributors, and banks should collaborate to share transaction histories and supply chain data, helping lenders assess risk with confidence. Blended finance and risk-sharing facilities. Scale public-private instruments like the Africa Guarantee Fund and the Bank of Industry risk-sharing arrangements. These reduce lenders' risks and help lower the cost of credit. Targeted financing for digital transformation. As the Alliance for eTrade Development research shows, many MSMEs want to invest in better internet connectivity, digital marketing, and fulfilment capabilities but cannot secure affordable loans for these upgrades. New financing products tailored to e-commerce investment would directly unlock their growth potential. The opportunity ahead As governments and the private sector work to advance e-commerce policy frameworks under AfCFTA, prioritizing simpler customs procedures, strengthening cross-border payments, and improving digital ID systems, credit access must rise to the top of the agenda. Payments are a foundation, but credit is a growth driver. We must build the financial tools that empower Africa's most ambitious entrepreneurs to dream bigger, scale faster, and compete globally. When they grow, Africa grows.
New York Times
4 hours ago
- New York Times
Dozens Killed During Protests Over Fuel Prices in Angola
The southern African nation of Angola was attempting to restore calm on Thursday after a hike in fuel prices led to violent street clashes between residents and security forces, leaving at least 29 dead and 250 injured, the government said. The upheaval started Monday when a taxi association launched a three-day strike to protest the government's decision in early July to increase gasoline prices by a third. The situation escalated over two days into vandalism and the burning of buildings and cars, with the police responding by firing on angry crowds, according to witnesses. This was the second time in two years that an increase in gas prices has led to deadly violence in Angola, the second-largest oil producer in sub-Saharan Africa. The abundance of the commodity and heavy government subsidies have long allowed Angolans to pay very low prices at the gas pump. But with the economy struggling, the government, straining under enormous debt, has rolled back the subsidies in recent years at the urging of the International Monetary Fund. 'Obviously, people were in the street about the prices,' said Romario Francisco, 18, who lives on the outskirts of the capital, Luanda. 'But it became something crazy since.' While order had been restored to Luanda and several other cities by Thursday, the mood remained tense in some places. Many police officers were still out patrolling roads. Charred vehicles sat on some streets. Shards of glass and goods were scattered on sidewalks and inside shops and other buildings that had been looted during the chaos. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.
