Beyond the optics: Why the India-US strategic partnership must not be held hostage to Trump's whims

Time of India

21-05-2025

Dr. Ashok Sharma is a Visiting Fellow at the University of New South Wales Canberra at the Australian Defence Force Academy and is an Academic Fellow of the Australia-India Institute at the University of Melbourne. His recent roles include Visiting Fellow at the Australian National University in the Department of Strategic & Defence Studies within the Coral Bell School of Asia-Pacific Affairs, and Adjunct Associate Professor at the University of Canberra. There, he was the Head of the 'South Asia Strategic, State Fragile and Security Program' and Conjoint Head of the 'Indo-Pacific Strategic Issues and Major Powers Studies' at the National Asian Security Studies Centre. An alumnus of both Jawaharlal Nehru University and Delhi University, Dr. Sharma's academic journey includes Faculty, Fellow, and Honorary positions at the Australian National University, the University of Melbourne, the University of Auckland, and Victoria University of Wellington, as well as the University of Delhi. Notably, he served as the Deputy Chair of the New Zealand Institute of International Affairs, Auckland Branch, from February 2012 to June 2022. Dr. Sharma, one of the leading voices in the global affairs and security studies, is also the accomplished author of significant works including book titled India's Pursuit of Energy Security: Domestic Measures, Foreign Policy and Geopolitics and Indian Lobbying and its Influence in US Decision Making: Post-Cold War. LESS ... MORE
In recent weeks, a flurry of controversial statements by US President Donald Trump has once again drawn unwelcome attention to the India-Pakistan relationship and the enduring question of Kashmir. Claiming credit for a ceasefire between the two nuclear neighbours, Trump asserted in a public rally and in subsequent interviews that he 'helped bring peace' following India's counter-terrorism Operation Sindoor. India, for its part, has resolutely rejected any suggestion of external mediation or intervention, terming the cessation of hostilities as a 'strategic halt' driven by its own national security considerations.
While Trump's statements reflect his characteristic bravado and transactional view of diplomacy, they also cast a spotlight on a more serious issue: the fragility of international perceptions when strategic partnerships are subjected to individual whims. The India-US relationship, which has evolved into a comprehensive global strategic partnership over the past two decades, must not be derailed by ill-informed remarks or outdated Cold War mentalities.
From former President Bill Clinton's landmark visit to India in 2000 to George W Bush's civil nuclear agreement and Barack Obama's strategic embrace, the India-US partnership has grown consistently across administrations. Under Donald Trump's first term, there were some notable positives, such as the renaming of the US Pacific Command to the Indo-Pacific Command—recognising India's centrality in the region—and the temporary suspension of aid to Pakistan for its duplicity on terrorism. That duplicity was most starkly exposed when Osama bin Laden, the world's most wanted terrorist, was found hiding in plain sight in Abbottabad, just a stone's throw from Pakistan's military academy—laying bare Islamabad's double game.
Yet, Trump brought a distinctively unpredictable flavour to diplomacy. His public claim to mediate the Kashmir issue—a red line for India—was met with swift rebuttals from New Delhi. India has consistently maintained that Kashmir is its internal matter and that it will not countenance any third-party involvement. Prime Minister Modi reiterated this stance in his recent address, underscoring the autonomy and intentionality behind the recent ceasefire, without so much as a reference to Washington.
Perhaps more troubling than his claim of brokering peace is Trump's historically inaccurate assertion that India and Pakistan have been fighting for 'centuries.' This statement not only ignores the basic fact that Pakistan was created in 1947 but also reveals a fundamental misunderstanding of South Asia's modern geopolitical realities. While senior U.S. officials—especially in the Pentagon and State Department—have typically demonstrated a sound understanding of regional complexities, Trump himself appears untutored on the finer nuances of the India-Pakistan dynamic. This underscores a critical weakness in the personalisation of foreign policy: when leaders make off-the-cuff statements without consulting institutional advice, they risk undermining longstanding strategic relationships.
Given the unpredictability of Trump's second term, India must redouble its efforts in strategic lobbying. The India Caucus in the US Congress—one of the largest bilateral caucuses—must be actively engaged, and Indian diplomatic missions across the US should intensify their outreach to legislators, think tanks, and media. Lobbying in the American context is not just about policy influence—it is about narrative correction. Indian diplomats and lobbyists must continue to educate American stakeholders on the evolving Indo-Pacific security architecture, India's domestic policy imperatives, and its counter-terrorism priorities. While the institutional backbone of India-US relations is strong—built on more than 60 platforms—it is important that the political leadership in Washington remains aligned with those institutional foundations.
At the heart of the India–US strategic partnership lie two defining priorities: countering terrorism and managing China's rise. Since the 9/11 attacks, intelligence cooperation between the two democracies has deepened, helping to foil numerous terrorist plots. The 2008 Mumbai attacks further strengthened this collaboration, ushering in greater information sharing and joint operations. In the Indo-Pacific, China's growing assertiveness has driven closer alignment between Washington and New Delhi. The Quad—comprising the US, India, Japan, and Australia—now serves as a key strategic counterweight to Beijing. The renaming of the US Pacific Command to the Indo-Pacific Command during Trump's presidency was more than symbolic; it reflected a structural shift in how Washington views New Delhi's role.
It is precisely for this reason that any careless comments from US leaders risk undermining the very partnership Washington needs to balance China's rise. As of 2024, China's trade with India exceeded $135 billion, yet strategic distrust remains high. India's role as a democratic counterweight to China is crucial not just for regional stability but for maintaining a liberal international order.
During Trump's first term, trade friction emerged over issues such as tariffs on Harley-Davidson motorcycles and disputes over medical devices and data localisation. Trump's recent remarks urging Apple CEO Tim Cook to 'move out of India' and return manufacturing to the US echo a similar protectionist stance. However, India's tech and manufacturing landscape has evolved. Initiatives like 'Make in India' and 'Production-Linked Incentives (PLI)' are aimed at making India a global hub for electronics, semiconductors, and renewable technologies. The iCET (Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies), launched under the Biden-Modi partnership, has further deepened cooperation in AI, quantum computing, space, and defence startups. India is no longer a passive recipient in global supply chains—it is an active player. Any US policy that seeks to roll back this cooperation will find itself at odds not only with Indian aspirations but also with the long-term US interest of reducing reliance on Chinese manufacturing.
India–US relations have matured to a point where they can weather occasional turbulence. However, no strategic partnership is immune to political short-sightedness. New Delhi must engage Trump through institutional diplomacy rather than personal rapport. Prime Minister Modi and Trump may have boasted of their chemistry during the 'Howdy Modi' and 'Namaste Trump' events, but the future of bilateral ties cannot rest on stage-managed optics. This relationship must continue to be guided by shared interests in defence, energy, trade, technology, and regional stability. As the global order becomes increasingly multipolar, the US must recognise that India is no longer the India of the Cold War. It is a confident, re-emerging and inevitable great power with its own interests, agency, and global vision—and an indispensable partner in the Indo-Pacific.
Donald Trump may take credit where it is not due, but the India-US relationship is too strategically rooted to be swayed by rhetoric. While New Delhi must stay vigilant and proactive, Washington too must introspect. A durable partnership requires not just shared interests, but mutual respect and understanding. That is the only way this defining partnership of the 21st century can truly live up to its name.
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Views expressed above are the author's own.