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1News
2 days ago
- 1News
Online toxic masculinity is on the rise and it's not just damaging to women
Australian lecturer Kate Cantrell breaks down the contributing factors that make up the growing online ideologies of the manosphere. "Imagine her tenderly pressing her soft lips against yours," writes one incel on Reddit, before concluding, "you will never get to experience this because your skeleton is too small or the bones in your face are not the right shape". In his debut book, The Male Complaint, Simon Copland escorts his readers through the manosphere and into the minds of its inhabitants. He illustrates how boys and men who are "terrifyingly normal" become attracted to the manosphere's grim logic – and the cognitive distortions of anti-feminist influencers like Andrew Tate and Jordan Peterson. While mainstream debates often cite toxic masculinity as the cause of online misogyny, Copland, a writer and researcher at the Australian National University, shifts the blame to a deeper cultural malaise. It's caused, he argues, by the cruel optimism of the manosphere, the multiple social and economic crises of late-stage capitalism and a collective nihilistic misery in which complaint becomes futile and destruction "the only way out". Andrew Tate gestures, next to his brother Tristan, outside the Bucharest Tribunal in Bucharest, Romania in January, 2025. (Source: Associated Press) ADVERTISEMENT The manosphere is a network of loosely related blogs and forums devoted to "men's interests" – sites like The Rational Male, Game Global and the subreddits ForeverAlone, TheRedPill and MensRights. These online communities, separate in their specific beliefs, are united by their misogynistic ideas – and anti-women and anti-diversity sentiments. They're also united by the growing tendency of the men in these communities towards nihilistic violence: not only against others, but also against themselves. In The Male Complaint, Copland relays his dismay at discovering "a constant stream" of suicide notes on Reddit, including a subreddit, IncelGraveyard, which catalogues close to 100 suicide notes and letters posted by self-identified incels. "Since I was a kid I was fed up with 'Don't worry, it will get better', 'You will find someone' […] it's not even that I want a SO (significant other) anymore. Women are awful. People are awful. I have no friends." For Copland, the violence incels inflict on themselves is a form of passive nihilism. Incels "don't just express disgust and despair at the world, but in themselves – their looks, body, lives, personality, intelligence, and more". The morning's headlines in 90 seconds, Mama Hooch rapists appeal, Ukraine's new message to Russia, and Jason Momoa's plans here. (Source: Breakfast) ADVERTISEMENT Who's in the manosphere? The manosphere includes men's rights activists, pick-up artists and "Men Going Their Own Way" (male separatists who avoid contact with women altogether). And of course, incels: men who believe they are unable to find a romantic or sexual partner due to their perceived genetic inferiority and oppression. Incels also blame their problems on women's alleged hypergamy: the theory women seek out partners of higher social or economic status and therefore marry "up". Put another way, hypergamy, a concept rooted in evolutionary psychology, is the belief "women are hard-wired to be gold diggers". Rollo Tomassi, the so-called "godfather of the manosphere," complains on his blog that "women love opportunistically," while "men believe that love matters for the sake of it". According to Tomassi, the "cruel reality" of modern dating is that men are romantics who are "forced to be realists," while women are realists who use "romanticisms to effect their imperatives". Tomassi complains, "Our girlfriends, our wives, daughters and even our mothers are all incapable of idealised love […] By order of degrees, hypergamy will define who a woman loves and who she will not, depending upon her own opportunities and capacity to attract it". Ten years ago, these communities were largely regarded as fringe groups. Today, their ideology has infiltrated the mainstream. ADVERTISEMENT On Sunday, ABC TV's Compass reported that misogyny is on the rise in Australian classrooms, with female teachers sharing their experiences of sexual assault and harassment on school grounds – ranging from boys writing stories about gang raping their teachers to masturbating "over them" in the bathrooms. One student even pretended to stab his pregnant teacher as a "joke". (Source: A 2025 report published by UN Women shows 53% of women have experienced some form of technology-facilitated, gender-based violence. The dark side of digitalisation disproportionately affects young women aged between 18 and 24, LGBTQI+ women, women who are divorced or who live in the city, and women who participate in online gaming. 'Biologically bad'? Copland argues that simplified critiques of toxic masculinity minimise the problem of male violence. They fail to consider the context and history of gendered behaviour, assuming toxic traits are somehow innate and unique to men, rather than the product of social expectations and relations. This, in turn, promotes the idea that male violence derives from something "biologically bad" in the nature of masculinity itself. As Copland explains, "this is embedded in the term 'toxic', which makes it sound like men's bodies have become diseased or infected". Blaming toxic masculinity for digital misogyny also embraces a form of smug politics in which disaffected men are dismissed as degenerates who are fundamentally different to "us" (meaning the activist left and leftist elites). They are "cellar dwellers," "subhuman freaks," or "virgin losers" who need to be either enlightened or locked up. "We," on the other hand, are educated, progressive, superior. ADVERTISEMENT This kind of rhetoric, as Copland explains, is unhelpful. It does not create the conditions for changing the opinions, narratives and futures of manosphere men because it does not allow people to understand their complaints and where those concerns come from – even if we do not agree with them. Belittling attitudes and demeaning discourses alienate men who already feel socially isolated. This pushes those men further to the fringes – into the hands of "manfluencers" who claim to understand. 'Not having love becomes everything' The manosphere, Copland observes, is not "an aberration that is different and distinct from the rest of the world," nor is it a community that exists solely on the "dark corners of the web". Rather, the manosphere, as an echo chamber, enables and encourages what Copland calls "the male complaint": a sense of collective pain or "injury" so intrinsic to the group's identity, it cannot be redressed. As injured subjects who believe their problems are caused through no fault of their own, manosphere men cannot mend the "wound" they believe society has inflicted upon them. Their "marginalisation" and injured status are the lens through which they view themselves and the world. In the Men Going Their Own Way (MGTOW) community, for example, some men talk about the movement as a hospital where "physicians of the male soul" use different "methods of healing" to treat the "illness of gynocentric-induced disease weighing them down". These methods include "self-improvement" strategies that are designed to build men's power and wealth: purchasing gym equipment, investing in the stock market, even abstaining from pornography and sex. ADVERTISEMENT Others in the MGTOW community are vocally anti-victim, "You can live an extraordinary life," one man says to another, "but you're wasting your time on complaints and negativity". Even when they disagree, though, manosphere men frame women and feminism as the enemy. In this way, the machinery of the manosphere capitalises on men's discontent, reflects that messaging back to them and displaces their anger and hurt onto an easy scapegoat. As Copland observes, it is easier for men to blame women for their unhappiness than it is to blame the complex systems of capitalism, "if love and sex is everything, then not having love becomes everything as well". Blackpilled incels, lookism and anonymity This preoccupation with intimacy is central to the incel community. It is exemplified by the various artefacts Copland embeds in his book – memes and posts from the manosphere itself. Blackpilled incels are a subgroup of incels who believe their access to romantic and sexual relationships is doomed because of "lookism", the belief women choose sexual partners based solely on their physical features. Blackpilled ideology attributes romantic failure to genetically unalterable aspects of the human body, such as one's height or skull shape. Some blackpilled incels, who call themselves wristcels, even blame their lack of sexual success on the width of their wrists. ADVERTISEMENT This logic is countered by research that demonstrates men, in fact, show stronger preferences for physical attractiveness than women, with women tending to prioritise education level and earning potential. (Source: The manosphere, however, amplifies this type of thinking and filters out information that challenges these ideas and opinions, increasing group polarisation. Despite its promise of solidarity, the manosphere isolates boys and men, and ultimately distances them from their wider community. This segregation results in a deep sense of alienation – these boys and men become stuck in a perpetual cycle of ideological reinforcement. The manosphere thrives on anonymity, writes Copland, which only reinforces the idea it is not designed to foster deep relationships or connections. No silver bullets The sense of community the manosphere claims to offer is a sham; its alienating structures do not offer boys and men genuine belonging and connection, or real solutions to their problems. "From one day to the next, the ability to communicate depends on the whims of hidden engineers," writes media studies professor Mark Andrejevic of online networks more broadly. The manosphere, like other virtual constructs, is subject to manipulation by those who control the infrastructure and the rules of engagement. ADVERTISEMENT More than this, the manosphere does not provide an alternative to complaint. When complaint is the only option, writes Copland, nihilism and violence are the inevitable result. "When nothing matters, there are no consequences to anything, including violence […] Manosphere men do not look to convince others, but rather seek their destruction. Destruction is the outlet they find to deal with their complaint." That's what makes the manosphere so dangerous. 'Popular boys must be punished' In 2014, 22-year-old Elliot Rodger, a British-American college student, embarked on an hours-long stabbing and shooting spree in the university town of Isla Vista, California, killing six and injuring 14. On the morning of May 23 – the "Day of Retribution" – Rodger emailed a 140-page "manifesto" to his family, friends and therapists. He also uploaded several YouTube videos in which he lamented his inability to find a girlfriend, the "hedonistic pleasures" of his peers and his painful existence of "loneliness, rejection, and unfilled desires". In his memoir-manifesto, Rodger – the supposed "patron saint of inceldom" – explains the motive for his violence. "I had nothing left to live for but revenge. Women must be punished for their crimes of rejecting such a magnificent gentleman as myself. All of those popular boys must be punished for enjoying heavenly lives and having sex with all the girls while I had to suffer in lonely virginity". Four years later, in April 2018, Alek Minassian, a self-described incel, drove a rented van onto a busy sidewalk in Toronto, killing 11 (nine of them women) and injuring many more. On Facebook, Minassian explained that his actions were part of the "incel rebellion" led by the "Supreme Gentleman Elliot Rodger". Later, Minassian told police, "I feel like I accomplished my mission". ADVERTISEMENT Rodger, too, ended his final YouTube video with a similar message, "If I can't have you girls, I will destroy you". In his book, Copland even draws a parallel between the Westfield Bondi Junction attack and the explanation for attacker Joel Cauchi's violence, put forward by his father just two days after the attack. "To you, he is a monster. To me, he was a very sick boy […] he wanted a girlfriend and he's got no social skills and he was frustrated out of his brain". In fact, Cauchi suffered from treatment-resistant schizophrenia and had been unmedicated at the time of the attack, "after almost two decades of treatment, Cauchi had no regular psychiatrist, was not on any medications to treat his schizophrenia and had no family living nearby". The multifaceted causes of Cauchi's crime are more complex than misogynistic violence. Indeed, the pieces of the manosphere puzzle, when put together, reveal a sobering image of the male complaint. However, they demonstrate misogyny is bad for everyone – not just women and girls. As Copland concludes, "The manosphere promises men that it can make their lives better […] But it really cannot deliver. The promises it offers are not real, and in many cases make things worse […] This is how cruel optimism works, always offering, but never delivering". 'It's the combinations' Recent evidence suggests there is no single route to radicalisation, and no single cause of violent extremism. Rather, complex interactions between push, pull, and personal factors are the root causes of male violence. ADVERTISEMENT The Netflix sensation Adolescence – the harrowing story of a 13-year-old boy who is arrested and charged with murder – is powered by a single question: why did Jamie kill Katie? In attempting to answer this question, critics and fans have offered a range of explanations: bullying, low self-esteem, emotional dysregulation, obsession with love and sex, deprivation of love and sex, the manosphere. The real answer is less obvious and infinitely more complex. It can be found in a simple line of dialogue, spoken at the end of the series by Jamie's sister. "It's the combinations," Lisa says. "Combinations are everything." In this moment, Lisa is justifying her outfit to her parents as they await Jamie's trial. But subtextually, her statement doubles as the most likely explanation for his actions. And it's the closest explanation for why some boys and men commit extreme acts of violence: the combinations. Author: Kate Cantrell, Senior Lecturer – Writing, Editing, and Publishing, University of Southern Queensland This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence.
Courier-Mail
2 days ago
- Courier-Mail
Jetstar launches huge Japan and South Korea flight sale with $130 fares
Don't miss out on the headlines from Lifestyle. Followed categories will be added to My News. From its powder-dusted mountains to its bubbling bathhouses, Japan is now the place to visit for Aussies. Japan enjoyed a spectacular year in tourism in 2024, welcoming 36.9 million total visitors, beating the previous 12-month high set in 2019 of 31.9 million. Nearly a million of those visitors in 2024 were from Australia. A weak yen allowing Aussies to enjoy epic snow and incredible food at relatively affordable prices, is one of the reasons why so many of us are visiting Japan, with Australian National University's Australia-Japanese Research Centre director Dr Shiro Armstrong telling the ABC eating out in Japan is very affordable compared to Australia because of its low wages. Aussies have been smitten with Japan's snow since forever, but now it's cheaper than ever to see it. "Japan has only recently escaped decades of mild deflation," he said, "so prices have barely changed since 1990 when Japan's big asset bubble burst and brought an end to the high growth era." "The tourist flows used to be dominated by Japanese visitors to Australia but with Japanese economic stagnation and the weak yen, we've seen a reversal." Japan has become so popular among the kind of Aussie that wears Birkenstocks, it's been dubbed "the thinking man's Bali." In good news for those looking to sort out a Japan trip of their own, Jetstar just dropped an epic flight sale with fares to Osaka from $130. The best sale fares can be seen in the list below: Jetstar Japan flight sale Cairns to Osaka (Kansai) from $130 Cairns to Tokyo (Narita) from $130 Brisbane to Osaka (Kansai) from $155 Brisbane to Tokyo (Narita) from $155 Sydney to Osaka (Kansai) from $165 Adelaide to Osaka (Kansai) via Cairns from $319 Adelaide to Tokyo (Narita) via Cairns from $319 Melbourne (Tullamarine) to Osaka (Kansai) via Cairns from $266 Melbourne (Tullamarine) to Tokyo (Narita) via Cairns from $266 Sydney to Tokyo (Narita) via Cairns from $253 Jetstar also dropped a bunch of cheap flights to South Korea - another destination having a moment among Aussie travellers drawn by its vibrant cities, rich history and delicious cuisine. Jetstar South Korea flight sale Brisbane to Seoul (Incheon) from $155 Sydney to Seoul (Incheon) from $170 Melbourne (Tullamarine) to Seoul (Incheon) via Sydney from $270 Travel dates for sale fares range from early October 2025 to late May 2026 and Club Jetstar embers will get exclusive early access to the offer from midday today, with public access starting at midnight tonight. The sale ends at 11.59pm AEST on Thursday, July 24, unless they sell out beforehand. Visit the Jetstar website sale page for the full terms and conditions, or to check out the full list of fares. BOOK SALE FARES HERE Originally published as Jetstar launches huge Japan and South Korea flight sale, with flights from $130
The Advertiser
4 days ago
- Politics
- The Advertiser
PM on winning strategy for hearts and minds in Beijing
Few do pomp and ceremony as well as the Chinese. As he met with leaders in Beijing's Great Hall of the People on Tuesday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was given the red carpet treatment. Rows of immaculately decorated soldiers were wheeled around the hall in perfect synchronicity and a People's Liberation Army brass band played Chinese covers of Aussie pub rock classics by the likes of Paul Kelly and Midnight Oil. The lavish display may be par for the course for world leaders ushered into the grand neoclassical sanctum of Chinese power. But the warm reception to the prime minister's six-day trip of China and gushing praise heaped upon him was notable in the highly choreographed world of Chinese political theatre, where symbolism and ritual are key. Protocols matter, says Associate Professor Graeme Smith, an expert on Chinese politics at the Australian National University. "All foreign policy, but particularly for China, is for a domestic audience," he tells AAP. "This is not about us. It's about citizens, about Chinese Communist Party members. That's what these are for and we're just a nice prop for them." The constant refrain of co-operating where they can, disagreeing where they must and engaging in the national interest was calibrated to chime with Beijing's own goals. Focusing on moving the relationship forward gave them an out for their unilateral decision to torch relations in 2020 while allowing them to save face. The unusually long duration of the prime minister's trip and the fact it occurred so soon after being re-elected, was interpreted by both sides as a sign of the importance of the two nations' relationship. Likewise, Mr Albanese remarked that the length of the meetings he had with President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang and National People's Congress Chairman Zhao Leji was a sign of "respect" - a word he would keep coming back to through the course of his trip. "I had meetings for around about eight hours yesterday," he said at the Great Wall on Wednesday. "It was a very long meeting but it also showed respect to both sides, the fact that President Xi didn't just have a meeting but we had a lunch where President Xi as well invited Jodie to attend. "That lunch was a sign of respect to Australia, to our country." The fact the military band at the leaders' meetings learned to play songs specifically chosen to suit the prime minister's taste showed the effort they were willing to put in. "Those gestures matter, respect matters between countries," he said. "The opportunity to sit down and have a meal and talk about personal issues, talk about things that aren't necessarily heavily political, is really important part of diplomacy. "One of the things that my government does is engage in diplomacy. We don't shout with megaphones." The contrast to the way the US conducts diplomacy under Donald Trump couldn't be more stark. The US president was a constant elephant in the room during the trip. From his first day in Shanghai, Mr Albanese's visit was almost derailed after it emerged Pentagon strategist Elbridge Colby had been pressuring Australian and Japanese diplomats to provide assurances about joining the US in a hypothetical conflict with China over Taiwan. But Mr Albanese refrained from engaging in the transactional style of diplomacy his American counterpart trades in. When the opposition criticised him for failing to bring back tangible results and "indulgent" visits to the Great Wall and a panda research centre, the prime minister said they were missing the point. "The Great Wall of China symbolises the extraordinary history and culture here in China and showing a bit of respect to people never cost anything," he said "You know what it does? It gives you a reward." Patient, consistent diplomacy is the government's modus operandi. Tracing the footsteps of Labor leader Gough Whitlam along the Great Wall was a powerful bit of symbolism, Prof Smith says. Mr Whitlam visited the wonder in a landmark trip as opposition leader acknowledging communist rule of the People's Republic of China in 1971, becoming one of the first Western politicians to do so. It sent a clear message about the enduring strength of the relationship, Prof Smith says. "This is probably one of the strongest cards we've got to play in terms of the relationship, that we were a first mover in recognising China. That gets us a lot of points." Premier Li praised Mr Albanese for his personal role in mending Sino-Australian relations in their meeting on Tuesday. Chinese state media, which poured endless scorn on Australia when relations were at their lowest, was glowing in its coverage of Mr Albanese, casting the previous coalition government as the source of the conflict. "In recent years, as China-Australia relations have continued to improve, the Australian government's understanding of its relationship with China has also deepened," according to an opinion piece in Chinese state-owned tabloid the Global Times. "(Mr Albanese) has demonstrated a pragmatic and rational approach to China policy. "Today's China-Australia relationship is like a plane flying in the 'stratosphere' after passing through the storm zone and the most turbulent and bumpy period has passed." Australian Strategic Policy Institute executive director Justin Bassi says the prime minister's visit was positive for economic relationships and trade. But the approach is not without its risks. "I think here the risks are threefold," he told ABC News. "I think there is a risk that we are used for propaganda purposes. There is a risk that … trade becomes an over-dependency and the third risk is that we provide a perception, both to China and to our own public, that short-term economics are outweighing long-term security." Few do pomp and ceremony as well as the Chinese. As he met with leaders in Beijing's Great Hall of the People on Tuesday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was given the red carpet treatment. Rows of immaculately decorated soldiers were wheeled around the hall in perfect synchronicity and a People's Liberation Army brass band played Chinese covers of Aussie pub rock classics by the likes of Paul Kelly and Midnight Oil. The lavish display may be par for the course for world leaders ushered into the grand neoclassical sanctum of Chinese power. But the warm reception to the prime minister's six-day trip of China and gushing praise heaped upon him was notable in the highly choreographed world of Chinese political theatre, where symbolism and ritual are key. Protocols matter, says Associate Professor Graeme Smith, an expert on Chinese politics at the Australian National University. "All foreign policy, but particularly for China, is for a domestic audience," he tells AAP. "This is not about us. It's about citizens, about Chinese Communist Party members. That's what these are for and we're just a nice prop for them." The constant refrain of co-operating where they can, disagreeing where they must and engaging in the national interest was calibrated to chime with Beijing's own goals. Focusing on moving the relationship forward gave them an out for their unilateral decision to torch relations in 2020 while allowing them to save face. The unusually long duration of the prime minister's trip and the fact it occurred so soon after being re-elected, was interpreted by both sides as a sign of the importance of the two nations' relationship. Likewise, Mr Albanese remarked that the length of the meetings he had with President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang and National People's Congress Chairman Zhao Leji was a sign of "respect" - a word he would keep coming back to through the course of his trip. "I had meetings for around about eight hours yesterday," he said at the Great Wall on Wednesday. "It was a very long meeting but it also showed respect to both sides, the fact that President Xi didn't just have a meeting but we had a lunch where President Xi as well invited Jodie to attend. "That lunch was a sign of respect to Australia, to our country." The fact the military band at the leaders' meetings learned to play songs specifically chosen to suit the prime minister's taste showed the effort they were willing to put in. "Those gestures matter, respect matters between countries," he said. "The opportunity to sit down and have a meal and talk about personal issues, talk about things that aren't necessarily heavily political, is really important part of diplomacy. "One of the things that my government does is engage in diplomacy. We don't shout with megaphones." The contrast to the way the US conducts diplomacy under Donald Trump couldn't be more stark. The US president was a constant elephant in the room during the trip. From his first day in Shanghai, Mr Albanese's visit was almost derailed after it emerged Pentagon strategist Elbridge Colby had been pressuring Australian and Japanese diplomats to provide assurances about joining the US in a hypothetical conflict with China over Taiwan. But Mr Albanese refrained from engaging in the transactional style of diplomacy his American counterpart trades in. When the opposition criticised him for failing to bring back tangible results and "indulgent" visits to the Great Wall and a panda research centre, the prime minister said they were missing the point. "The Great Wall of China symbolises the extraordinary history and culture here in China and showing a bit of respect to people never cost anything," he said "You know what it does? It gives you a reward." Patient, consistent diplomacy is the government's modus operandi. Tracing the footsteps of Labor leader Gough Whitlam along the Great Wall was a powerful bit of symbolism, Prof Smith says. Mr Whitlam visited the wonder in a landmark trip as opposition leader acknowledging communist rule of the People's Republic of China in 1971, becoming one of the first Western politicians to do so. It sent a clear message about the enduring strength of the relationship, Prof Smith says. "This is probably one of the strongest cards we've got to play in terms of the relationship, that we were a first mover in recognising China. That gets us a lot of points." Premier Li praised Mr Albanese for his personal role in mending Sino-Australian relations in their meeting on Tuesday. Chinese state media, which poured endless scorn on Australia when relations were at their lowest, was glowing in its coverage of Mr Albanese, casting the previous coalition government as the source of the conflict. "In recent years, as China-Australia relations have continued to improve, the Australian government's understanding of its relationship with China has also deepened," according to an opinion piece in Chinese state-owned tabloid the Global Times. "(Mr Albanese) has demonstrated a pragmatic and rational approach to China policy. "Today's China-Australia relationship is like a plane flying in the 'stratosphere' after passing through the storm zone and the most turbulent and bumpy period has passed." Australian Strategic Policy Institute executive director Justin Bassi says the prime minister's visit was positive for economic relationships and trade. But the approach is not without its risks. "I think here the risks are threefold," he told ABC News. "I think there is a risk that we are used for propaganda purposes. There is a risk that … trade becomes an over-dependency and the third risk is that we provide a perception, both to China and to our own public, that short-term economics are outweighing long-term security." Few do pomp and ceremony as well as the Chinese. As he met with leaders in Beijing's Great Hall of the People on Tuesday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was given the red carpet treatment. Rows of immaculately decorated soldiers were wheeled around the hall in perfect synchronicity and a People's Liberation Army brass band played Chinese covers of Aussie pub rock classics by the likes of Paul Kelly and Midnight Oil. The lavish display may be par for the course for world leaders ushered into the grand neoclassical sanctum of Chinese power. But the warm reception to the prime minister's six-day trip of China and gushing praise heaped upon him was notable in the highly choreographed world of Chinese political theatre, where symbolism and ritual are key. Protocols matter, says Associate Professor Graeme Smith, an expert on Chinese politics at the Australian National University. "All foreign policy, but particularly for China, is for a domestic audience," he tells AAP. "This is not about us. It's about citizens, about Chinese Communist Party members. That's what these are for and we're just a nice prop for them." The constant refrain of co-operating where they can, disagreeing where they must and engaging in the national interest was calibrated to chime with Beijing's own goals. Focusing on moving the relationship forward gave them an out for their unilateral decision to torch relations in 2020 while allowing them to save face. The unusually long duration of the prime minister's trip and the fact it occurred so soon after being re-elected, was interpreted by both sides as a sign of the importance of the two nations' relationship. Likewise, Mr Albanese remarked that the length of the meetings he had with President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang and National People's Congress Chairman Zhao Leji was a sign of "respect" - a word he would keep coming back to through the course of his trip. "I had meetings for around about eight hours yesterday," he said at the Great Wall on Wednesday. "It was a very long meeting but it also showed respect to both sides, the fact that President Xi didn't just have a meeting but we had a lunch where President Xi as well invited Jodie to attend. "That lunch was a sign of respect to Australia, to our country." The fact the military band at the leaders' meetings learned to play songs specifically chosen to suit the prime minister's taste showed the effort they were willing to put in. "Those gestures matter, respect matters between countries," he said. "The opportunity to sit down and have a meal and talk about personal issues, talk about things that aren't necessarily heavily political, is really important part of diplomacy. "One of the things that my government does is engage in diplomacy. We don't shout with megaphones." The contrast to the way the US conducts diplomacy under Donald Trump couldn't be more stark. The US president was a constant elephant in the room during the trip. From his first day in Shanghai, Mr Albanese's visit was almost derailed after it emerged Pentagon strategist Elbridge Colby had been pressuring Australian and Japanese diplomats to provide assurances about joining the US in a hypothetical conflict with China over Taiwan. But Mr Albanese refrained from engaging in the transactional style of diplomacy his American counterpart trades in. When the opposition criticised him for failing to bring back tangible results and "indulgent" visits to the Great Wall and a panda research centre, the prime minister said they were missing the point. "The Great Wall of China symbolises the extraordinary history and culture here in China and showing a bit of respect to people never cost anything," he said "You know what it does? It gives you a reward." Patient, consistent diplomacy is the government's modus operandi. Tracing the footsteps of Labor leader Gough Whitlam along the Great Wall was a powerful bit of symbolism, Prof Smith says. Mr Whitlam visited the wonder in a landmark trip as opposition leader acknowledging communist rule of the People's Republic of China in 1971, becoming one of the first Western politicians to do so. It sent a clear message about the enduring strength of the relationship, Prof Smith says. "This is probably one of the strongest cards we've got to play in terms of the relationship, that we were a first mover in recognising China. That gets us a lot of points." Premier Li praised Mr Albanese for his personal role in mending Sino-Australian relations in their meeting on Tuesday. Chinese state media, which poured endless scorn on Australia when relations were at their lowest, was glowing in its coverage of Mr Albanese, casting the previous coalition government as the source of the conflict. "In recent years, as China-Australia relations have continued to improve, the Australian government's understanding of its relationship with China has also deepened," according to an opinion piece in Chinese state-owned tabloid the Global Times. "(Mr Albanese) has demonstrated a pragmatic and rational approach to China policy. "Today's China-Australia relationship is like a plane flying in the 'stratosphere' after passing through the storm zone and the most turbulent and bumpy period has passed." Australian Strategic Policy Institute executive director Justin Bassi says the prime minister's visit was positive for economic relationships and trade. But the approach is not without its risks. "I think here the risks are threefold," he told ABC News. "I think there is a risk that we are used for propaganda purposes. There is a risk that … trade becomes an over-dependency and the third risk is that we provide a perception, both to China and to our own public, that short-term economics are outweighing long-term security." Few do pomp and ceremony as well as the Chinese. As he met with leaders in Beijing's Great Hall of the People on Tuesday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was given the red carpet treatment. Rows of immaculately decorated soldiers were wheeled around the hall in perfect synchronicity and a People's Liberation Army brass band played Chinese covers of Aussie pub rock classics by the likes of Paul Kelly and Midnight Oil. The lavish display may be par for the course for world leaders ushered into the grand neoclassical sanctum of Chinese power. But the warm reception to the prime minister's six-day trip of China and gushing praise heaped upon him was notable in the highly choreographed world of Chinese political theatre, where symbolism and ritual are key. Protocols matter, says Associate Professor Graeme Smith, an expert on Chinese politics at the Australian National University. "All foreign policy, but particularly for China, is for a domestic audience," he tells AAP. "This is not about us. It's about citizens, about Chinese Communist Party members. That's what these are for and we're just a nice prop for them." The constant refrain of co-operating where they can, disagreeing where they must and engaging in the national interest was calibrated to chime with Beijing's own goals. Focusing on moving the relationship forward gave them an out for their unilateral decision to torch relations in 2020 while allowing them to save face. The unusually long duration of the prime minister's trip and the fact it occurred so soon after being re-elected, was interpreted by both sides as a sign of the importance of the two nations' relationship. Likewise, Mr Albanese remarked that the length of the meetings he had with President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang and National People's Congress Chairman Zhao Leji was a sign of "respect" - a word he would keep coming back to through the course of his trip. "I had meetings for around about eight hours yesterday," he said at the Great Wall on Wednesday. "It was a very long meeting but it also showed respect to both sides, the fact that President Xi didn't just have a meeting but we had a lunch where President Xi as well invited Jodie to attend. "That lunch was a sign of respect to Australia, to our country." The fact the military band at the leaders' meetings learned to play songs specifically chosen to suit the prime minister's taste showed the effort they were willing to put in. "Those gestures matter, respect matters between countries," he said. "The opportunity to sit down and have a meal and talk about personal issues, talk about things that aren't necessarily heavily political, is really important part of diplomacy. "One of the things that my government does is engage in diplomacy. We don't shout with megaphones." The contrast to the way the US conducts diplomacy under Donald Trump couldn't be more stark. The US president was a constant elephant in the room during the trip. From his first day in Shanghai, Mr Albanese's visit was almost derailed after it emerged Pentagon strategist Elbridge Colby had been pressuring Australian and Japanese diplomats to provide assurances about joining the US in a hypothetical conflict with China over Taiwan. But Mr Albanese refrained from engaging in the transactional style of diplomacy his American counterpart trades in. When the opposition criticised him for failing to bring back tangible results and "indulgent" visits to the Great Wall and a panda research centre, the prime minister said they were missing the point. "The Great Wall of China symbolises the extraordinary history and culture here in China and showing a bit of respect to people never cost anything," he said "You know what it does? It gives you a reward." Patient, consistent diplomacy is the government's modus operandi. Tracing the footsteps of Labor leader Gough Whitlam along the Great Wall was a powerful bit of symbolism, Prof Smith says. Mr Whitlam visited the wonder in a landmark trip as opposition leader acknowledging communist rule of the People's Republic of China in 1971, becoming one of the first Western politicians to do so. It sent a clear message about the enduring strength of the relationship, Prof Smith says. "This is probably one of the strongest cards we've got to play in terms of the relationship, that we were a first mover in recognising China. That gets us a lot of points." Premier Li praised Mr Albanese for his personal role in mending Sino-Australian relations in their meeting on Tuesday. Chinese state media, which poured endless scorn on Australia when relations were at their lowest, was glowing in its coverage of Mr Albanese, casting the previous coalition government as the source of the conflict. "In recent years, as China-Australia relations have continued to improve, the Australian government's understanding of its relationship with China has also deepened," according to an opinion piece in Chinese state-owned tabloid the Global Times. "(Mr Albanese) has demonstrated a pragmatic and rational approach to China policy. "Today's China-Australia relationship is like a plane flying in the 'stratosphere' after passing through the storm zone and the most turbulent and bumpy period has passed." Australian Strategic Policy Institute executive director Justin Bassi says the prime minister's visit was positive for economic relationships and trade. But the approach is not without its risks. "I think here the risks are threefold," he told ABC News. "I think there is a risk that we are used for propaganda purposes. There is a risk that … trade becomes an over-dependency and the third risk is that we provide a perception, both to China and to our own public, that short-term economics are outweighing long-term security."
Perth Now
4 days ago
- Politics
- Perth Now
PM on winning strategy for hearts and minds in Beijing
Few do pomp and ceremony as well as the Chinese. As he met with leaders in Beijing's Great Hall of the People on Tuesday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was given the red carpet treatment. Rows of immaculately decorated soldiers were wheeled around the hall in perfect synchronicity and a People's Liberation Army brass band played Chinese covers of Aussie pub rock classics by the likes of Paul Kelly and Midnight Oil. The lavish display may be par for the course for world leaders ushered into the grand neoclassical sanctum of Chinese power. But the warm reception to the prime minister's six-day trip of China and gushing praise heaped upon him was notable in the highly choreographed world of Chinese political theatre, where symbolism and ritual are key. Protocols matter, says Associate Professor Graeme Smith, an expert on Chinese politics at the Australian National University. "All foreign policy, but particularly for China, is for a domestic audience," he tells AAP. "This is not about us. It's about citizens, about Chinese Communist Party members. That's what these are for and we're just a nice prop for them." The constant refrain of co-operating where they can, disagreeing where they must and engaging in the national interest was calibrated to chime with Beijing's own goals. Focusing on moving the relationship forward gave them an out for their unilateral decision to torch relations in 2020 while allowing them to save face. The unusually long duration of the prime minister's trip and the fact it occurred so soon after being re-elected, was interpreted by both sides as a sign of the importance of the two nations' relationship. Likewise, Mr Albanese remarked that the length of the meetings he had with President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang and National People's Congress Chairman Zhao Leji was a sign of "respect" - a word he would keep coming back to through the course of his trip. "I had meetings for around about eight hours yesterday," he said at the Great Wall on Wednesday. "It was a very long meeting but it also showed respect to both sides, the fact that President Xi didn't just have a meeting but we had a lunch where President Xi as well invited Jodie to attend. "That lunch was a sign of respect to Australia, to our country." The fact the military band at the leaders' meetings learned to play songs specifically chosen to suit the prime minister's taste showed the effort they were willing to put in. "Those gestures matter, respect matters between countries," he said. "The opportunity to sit down and have a meal and talk about personal issues, talk about things that aren't necessarily heavily political, is really important part of diplomacy. "One of the things that my government does is engage in diplomacy. We don't shout with megaphones." The contrast to the way the US conducts diplomacy under Donald Trump couldn't be more stark. The US president was a constant elephant in the room during the trip. From his first day in Shanghai, Mr Albanese's visit was almost derailed after it emerged Pentagon strategist Elbridge Colby had been pressuring Australian and Japanese diplomats to provide assurances about joining the US in a hypothetical conflict with China over Taiwan. But Mr Albanese refrained from engaging in the transactional style of diplomacy his American counterpart trades in. When the opposition criticised him for failing to bring back tangible results and "indulgent" visits to the Great Wall and a panda research centre, the prime minister said they were missing the point. "The Great Wall of China symbolises the extraordinary history and culture here in China and showing a bit of respect to people never cost anything," he said "You know what it does? It gives you a reward." Patient, consistent diplomacy is the government's modus operandi. Tracing the footsteps of Labor leader Gough Whitlam along the Great Wall was a powerful bit of symbolism, Prof Smith says. Mr Whitlam visited the wonder in a landmark trip as opposition leader acknowledging communist rule of the People's Republic of China in 1971, becoming one of the first Western politicians to do so. It sent a clear message about the enduring strength of the relationship, Prof Smith says. "This is probably one of the strongest cards we've got to play in terms of the relationship, that we were a first mover in recognising China. That gets us a lot of points." Premier Li praised Mr Albanese for his personal role in mending Sino-Australian relations in their meeting on Tuesday. Chinese state media, which poured endless scorn on Australia when relations were at their lowest, was glowing in its coverage of Mr Albanese, casting the previous coalition government as the source of the conflict. "In recent years, as China-Australia relations have continued to improve, the Australian government's understanding of its relationship with China has also deepened," according to an opinion piece in Chinese state-owned tabloid the Global Times. "(Mr Albanese) has demonstrated a pragmatic and rational approach to China policy. "Today's China-Australia relationship is like a plane flying in the 'stratosphere' after passing through the storm zone and the most turbulent and bumpy period has passed." Australian Strategic Policy Institute executive director Justin Bassi says the prime minister's visit was positive for economic relationships and trade. But the approach is not without its risks. "I think here the risks are threefold," he told ABC News. "I think there is a risk that we are used for propaganda purposes. There is a risk that … trade becomes an over-dependency and the third risk is that we provide a perception, both to China and to our own public, that short-term economics are outweighing long-term security."
Newsweek
6 days ago
- Business
- Newsweek
Australia Birth Rate Warning Issued: 'Human Catastrophe'
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Australia is now at a "tipping point," facing a reality in which the number of deaths outpaces the number of births, which could lead to "human catastrophe," an analysis shows. New data analysis from financial firm KPMG shows that while the number of births in 2024 increased from 2023, it is still dangerously low, behind pre-pandemic levels. "Australia, like much of the world, is facing a human catastrophe," Liz Allen, a demographer at the Australian National University (ANU) Centre for Social Policy Research, told Australia's Special Broadcasting Service. A file photo shows a crowd waving Australian flags at the Great Aussie Barbecue in Perth, Australia, on October 29, 2011. A file photo shows a crowd waving Australian flags at the Great Aussie Barbecue in Perth, Australia, on October 29, 2011. AP Why It Matters Australia's experience reflects a global pattern of plummeting fertility rates. Many developed countries, including the United States, are recording their lowest birth rates in generations—a shift that signals long-term workforce shortages, strains on public services and the dominance of aging populations. A continued decline could mean fewer people of working age supporting a growing number of elderly citizens, undermining the country's tax base and putting pressure on social welfare systems. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) recently called the falling global birth rate a "crisis," describing it as a threat to economic stability and social cohesion worldwide. What To Know Steep Drop in Australia's Birth Rate Australia's fertility rate hit a record low of 1.51 babies per woman in 2024, according to the Australian Bureau of Statistics. This puts Australia far below the 2.1 replacement rate needed to sustain its population without migration. Some 292,500 births took place across Australia last year, which is more than the 285,000 births the previous year, but these are both well below the more than 300,000 births recorded every year between 2013 and 2019. Economic and Social Drivers Behind the Trend Key reasons for the decline include high living costs, unaffordable housing, and increased uncertainty about the future, according to KPMG urban economist Terry Rawnsley. Similarly, Allen said economic and environmental concerns were putting Australians off from having children. Regional Variations and the Urban-Rural Divide While birth rates are declining nationally, the KPMG analysis shows that urban areas are seeing a more dramatic drop than regional areas. "Rising rents, mortgage payments and childcare costs in the metro areas are putting a handbrake on people's plans to start or grow their family," Rawnsley said. "Instead, regional communities are continuing to emerge as popular places to live, work and raise a family, with affordability now top of mind for many Australians." The Global Context: Declining Fertility Worldwide Australia's situation mirrors an international trend. Global fertility rates have dropped dramatically since 1950 and are forecast to fall further, according to a study by medical journal The Lancet and recent data collected by Birth Gauge. The United States has seen its fertility rate decline to 1.58 in 2025 so far—down from 1.59 last year, 1.60 in 2023, 1.64 in 2020 and 1.84 in 2015. Countries in Eastern Europe and parts of Asia face even sharper drops, with some nations increasingly reliant on immigration to buffer population losses. What People Are Saying ANU demographer Liz Allen said: "We've essentially hit rock bottom, and trying to come back from that is going to be incredibly difficult. It will be a task that requires enormous policy and political intervention." UNFPA Executive Director Dr. Natalia Kanem previously said: "We must create the conditions that enable people to exercise their reproductive rights, including gender equality and economic stability." U.S. Vice President JD Vance said in January: "Our society has failed to recognize the obligation that one generation has to another as a core part of living in society. So let me say very simply, I want more babies in the United States of America." What Happens Next Australian and international authorities are expected to closely monitor birth rate trends and continue policy debates on how to address the crisis. Long-term solutions are likely to require broad economic reforms targeting housing affordability, job security and childcare support. Without significant action, experts warn that shrinking workforces and aging populations will pose major challenges for future prosperity.
