Myths in ruin: Disarming Hezbollah in the wake of Iran's defeat
These operations, which unfolded with the full approval and logistical support of US President Donald Trump, also included a coordinated strike that killed several top IRGC military and nuclear officials. It was a campaign designed not just to disrupt Iran's capabilities, but to shatter the illusion of untouchability surrounding its leadership and proxy network.
This was not just a military success – it was a strategic rupture.
Nowhere was this shift more palpable than in Lebanon. Hezbollah – the crown jewel in Iran's axis of influence – remained silent. Its much-hyped 'resistance' stood still as its patron was battered. This was not restraint. This was deterioration – operational, political, and symbolic.
For years, Hezbollah thrived on mythology: the 'defender of Lebanon,' the 'deterrent to Israel,' the 'voice of the marginalized Shia.' Today, that mythology lies in ruins. The movement failed to act not because it chose peace, but because it could not afford escalation. The group's inability to retaliate during the most direct assault on Iran's sovereignty in recent memory speaks volumes about its declining capacity and fear of internal and regional backlash.
This moment is as rare as it is volatile. Lebanon stands before a narrow window in which it can begin dismantling militia dominance, rebuild state legitimacy, and restore sovereignty.
The path forward is clear: disarm Hezbollah, restore state institutions, and reclaim Lebanese sovereignty. Half-measures and appeasement have failed. If Lebanon is to survive, the era of armed militias must end.
Hezbollah's weapons, veto power, and parallel institutions are not an internal Lebanese problem – they are a regional cancer. And yet, despite the passage of nearly two decades since UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which calls for the disarmament of all non-state actors in Lebanon, Hezbollah continues to argue that its arms are untouchable.
That must end. Claims by political allies of Hezbollah that the resolution applies only south of the Litani River are legally baseless and strategically dangerous. There can be no sovereign state with zones of impunity. The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), while respected, remain hindered by political interference and Hezbollah infiltration. That, too, must be addressed.
Washington's Lebanon policy must pivot – from containment to consequence. The United States must appoint a new ambassador to Beirut with a direct mandate: Enforce 1701, support institutional reform, and back the full disarmament of Hezbollah. Washington must also replace its current special envoy with a senior figure capable of confronting both Hezbollah's regional enablers and its Western protectors –chief among them France, whose ongoing indulgence of Hezbollah undermines any hope of progress.
Sanctions must expand – not only against Hezbollah operatives but also their financiers, political allies, and business networks across banking, construction, and telecommunications. Compliance mechanisms must be enforced on institutions that enable or tolerate Hezbollah's armed presence.
But pressure alone is not enough. A viable strategy requires strengthening Lebanon's civic immune system. Washington must double down on support for civil society, independent universities, and non-sectarian organizations – particularly in historically neglected regions like the Shia south and Beqaa Valley. Empowering Shia voices that reject militia dominance is essential to dismantling Hezbollah's false claim to community representation.
President Joseph Aoun's inaugural promises must now be tested. If he truly stands for sovereignty and reform, let him prove it – by endorsing a disarmament timetable, implementing electoral reforms, and refusing all covert deals with Hezbollah or its allies.
The narrative that disarming Hezbollah would spark civil war is fiction – a fear tactic propagated by those who benefit from armed chaos. In truth, what threatens Lebanon is not disarmament, but the continued normalization of militias. Many Lebanese – including Shia – are exhausted by the economic collapse, diplomatic isolation, and perpetual conflict that Hezbollah's weapons have brought.
Media is a critical tool. Lebanese and regional platforms must be mobilized to shift public opinion. They must highlight Hezbollah's costs to the nation, amplify Shiia civil society voices demanding reform, and frame disarmament not as a threat, but as a patriotic imperative. Media must call out political obstruction, expose the price of militia dominance, and foster a narrative centered on sovereignty and lawfulness.
This is not about punishing Lebanon – it's about rescuing it. The time for half-measures is over. The United States must reinforce its friends, isolate its adversaries, and support the emergence of a Lebanon defined not by militias, but by institutions.
Lebanon cannot reclaim its future while armed factions claim its present. No more weapons outside the state. No more excuses. The war between Iran and Israel may be over, but Lebanon's fight – for sovereignty, law, and survival – has only just begun.
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'I Don't Know' Asked whether Saddam Hussein ever provided concrete support to Yemen, al-Qirbi said he was not aware of such assistance. Yemen, however, joined Egypt, Jordan, and Iraq in the so-called 'Arab Cooperation Council,' a bloc seen by some as an effort to reshape regional balances. 'Unfortunately, the Arab world was facing one crisis after another,' he said. 'Some leaders formed new councils either to escape collective Arab action or to strengthen it. In reality, these councils achieved little on the ground.' A Trusted Ally: Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah Among Arab leaders, Saleh's closest relationship in the 2000s was with Saudi Arabia's then-Crown Prince and later King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz. Their bond deepened after Yemen signed a border agreement with the Kingdom. 'That trust translated into tangible support,' al-Qirbi said. 'With Foreign Minister Saud al-Faisal, we worked to strengthen Yemen's position, alongside Qatari FM Hamad bin Jassim and UAE's Abdullah bin Zayed.' But the relationship began to sour around 2008 during the war with the Houthis. Miscommunication, al-Qirbi suggested, led Saudi Arabia to question Saleh's stance on ending the conflict. Outside the Gulf, Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi was another key ally. Both he and Saleh viewed Eritrea's actions—particularly its threats to Yemeni islands and its war with Ethiopia—as destabilizing to the region. Post-Eritrea Tensions, Quiet Mediation Saleh also had cordial ties with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki until territorial disputes soured the relationship. Yemen later attempted to mediate between Eritrea and Ethiopia, with al-Qirbi visiting both countries several times in an effort to mend relations. Syria, Iraq, and the Perils of Foreign Intervention During his tenure, al-Qirbi said Yemen maintained only limited ties with Hafez al-Assad. But when Syria plunged into conflict years later, Saleh opposed any external military intervention. 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'The atmosphere was very warm. Putin understood Yemen's political situation,' he said. 'Yemen relied heavily on Russian military equipment, and the two leaders discussed ways to strengthen that cooperation.' Putin invited Saleh to a military parade showcasing advanced weaponry. 'It was clear that Putin saw Saleh as one of the Arab leaders closest to Moscow,' al-Qirbi said, adding that Saleh greatly admired the Russian president. 'He said Putin would restore Russia's global role.' While Saleh held some admiration for Western leaders like France's Valéry Giscard d'Estaing and US President George W. Bush—whom he met multiple times—his primary focus remained the Arab world. China was another rising partner. In one of Saleh's final visits to Beijing, he sought to open Yemen to Chinese investment. The Chinese agreed to lend Yemen $1 billion for development projects as part of their Belt and Road Initiative, but Yemen's parliament ultimately stalled the agreement over repayment terms. Arab Diplomacy Through Al-Qirbi's Eyes Reflecting on fellow Arab diplomats, al-Qirbi spoke warmly of Saudi Arabia's late foreign minister, Prince Saud al-Faisal. 'He was known for his wisdom and patience, even when hearing views he didn't like,' al-Qirbi said. 'He always sought consensus.' Other standout figures included Oman's Yousef bin Alawi, Sudan's Mustafa Osman Ismail—'a leading figure during the Iraq crisis'—and Libya's Ali Treki, a staunch Arab nationalist often at odds with Gaddafi's more erratic stances. Q: Did you know Libya's former foreign minister Abdel Rahman Shalgham? A: Yes. A cultured man. I remember once in Cairo, during a dinner gathering, he played the oud and sang for us. Q: What about Amr Moussa? A: I admired him when he was Egypt's foreign minister—especially his firm stance on the Palestinian cause. That admiration only grew when I worked with him at the Arab League. I consider him among the League's best secretary-generals during my time—not just as foreign minister but as an observer of the League's work. He always held firm to Arab principles. Unfortunately, decisions at the Arab League are shaped by powerful member states and their foreign ministers—not the secretary-general. From Medicine to Diplomacy... and Arabic Poetry A physician by training, al-Qirbi's love for classical Arabic poetry has endured. Q: Who is your favorite poet? A: Al-Mutanabbi. Q: Why him? A: His verses are full of timeless wisdom and values. To me, they are like proverbs for life.
Saudi Gazette
an hour ago
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