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Escape Velocity

Escape Velocity

Vox21-04-2025

President Donald Trump ran on a promise of more fossil fuels, fewer environmental regulations, and outright climate denial — and now he's following through. His administration is gutting clean energy policy, fast-tracking oil and gas projects, and reshaping environmental policy with sweeping consequences.
At the same time, though, there's another force pulling hard in the opposite direction. A global clean tech revolution — one that powers our homes, our cars, and our lives without wrecking the climate — is already well underway.
The new generation of wind and solar power, batteries, and electric vehicles are on the verge of, or have already achieved, escape velocity, breaking free from the gravity of political capriciousness. In a lot of places, especially in power generation, the cleanest option is also the fastest, the cheapest, and the one most likely to turn a profit. That's true whether or not you care about the climate.
The world is building momentum around clean energy, unlocking ways to grow economies and raise living standards without cranking up the planet's temperature. And every fraction of a degree we avoid means more lives saved, fewer disasters, more stability, and more of the future left intact.
It's 2025 — halfway between now and 2050, the year stamped on basically every major climate target. That puts us closer to those deadlines than we are to Gladiator, Kid A, iMacs, and frosted tips. So it's a good moment to pause and ask: How did we get here? Are we moving fast enough? And what's standing in the way?
In this special project, Escape Velocity, Vox's climate team set out to answer those questions. We looked at the places where climate progress is still speeding up, the breakthroughs changing everything behind the scenes, and the moments where clean tech might overcome political resistance entirely.
The US has played a key role in getting the world to this point. But now, other countries are eyeing the lead. Right now, we're holding a strong hand, but our government is actively sabotaging it. What's at stake isn't just a cleaner future — it's whether the US stays in the race at all. —Paige Vega, climate editor
CREDITS:
Editorial lead: Paige Vega
Editors: Carla Javier, Miranda Kennedy, Naureen Khan, Paige Vega, Elbert Ventura, Bryan Walsh | Reporters: Avishay Artsy, Sam Delgado, Adam Clark Estes, Jonquilyn Hill, Melissa Hirsch, Umair Irfan, Benji Jones, Paige Vega | Copy editors and fact-checkers: Colleen Barrett, Esther Gim, Melissa Hirsch, Sarah Schweppe, Kim Slotterback | Art director: Paige Vickers | Data visualization: Gabrielle Merite | Photo illustration: Gabrielle Merite | Original photography: Annick Sjobakken | Data fact-checking: Melissa Hirsch | Podcast engineering: Matthew Billy | Audience: Bill Carey, Gabby Fernandez, Shira Tarlo | Editorial directors: Elbert Ventura and Bryan Walsh | Special thanks: Nisha Chittal and Lauren Katz

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How a little-known law became Trump's weapon of choice against immigration
How a little-known law became Trump's weapon of choice against immigration

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How a little-known law became Trump's weapon of choice against immigration

covers politics Vox. She first joined Vox in 2019, and her work has also appeared in Politico, Washington Monthly, and the New Republic. Demonstrators gather to protest against a sweeping new travel ban announced last week by President Donald Trump, outside Los Angeles International Airport on June 9, 2025. Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images President Donald Trump can't stop using — and abusing — his legal authority to block the entry of noncitizens into the country. When he issued a travel ban on citizens of Muslim-majority countries early in his first term, he did so by invoking Section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, which allows him to block any foreigner if he deems that their entry would be 'detrimental to the interests of the United States.' When he issued a proclamation turning away noncitizens who could not demonstrate the ability to pay for their health care costs, he cited Section 212(f). When he halted most legal immigration at the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic, first from China and then from other countries, there was Section 212(f) again. Finally, last week, he announced that he would block foreign students from receiving student visas to attend Harvard and implement a travel ban on 12 countries, as well as restrictions on seven others. The travel ban took effect on Monday, just after midnight, and the legal framework for both orders was built on Section 212(f). Some of Trump's attempts to invoke Section 212(f) have been challenged in court. Judges struck down several versions of Trump's first-term travel ban before the third iteration was ultimately upheld by the US Supreme Court (after it was expanded to include non-Muslim-majority countries). President Joe Biden rescinded the travel ban, as well as the Covid-19 and health care-related bans, when he took office, refusing to defend them in legal challenges. Most recently, a federal judge in Massachusetts also blocked Trump's order on Harvard students, and as of Monday, the State Department had returned to processing international student visas. However, in testing the limits of 212(f) through these policies, Trump has succeeded in getting the Supreme Court to affirm his broad powers to ban foreign nationals under immigration law, marking a key expansion of executive authority. While previous presidents invoked Section 212(f), none of them did so as frequently or as aggressively as Trump. The law has become a key tool to keep people out as Trump tries to implement his restrictive vision of US immigration policy. How Trump expanded presidential powers to ban foreigners Before Trump, both Democratic and Republican presidents used the 212(f) authority sparingly. It was typically employed in order to enforce United Nations sanctions or target individuals or groups associated with terrorism, human rights violations, drug trafficking, or specific international crises. Former President Barack Obama, for instance, used the authority to block Russian officials from entering the US following their country's 2014 invasion of Crimea. Former President George W. Bush used it to block Syrian officials after the 2005 assassination of the Lebanese prime minister at the hands of the Syrian-backed militant group Hezbollah, which the US designates as a terrorist organization. Former President Bill Clinton used it to impose restrictions on Nigerian military officials who impeded the country's transition to democracy by annulling the country's 1993 elections. Trump's conceptualization of 212(f), however, is markedly different. 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They are asking for a legislative fix to stop Trump from implementing policies that will affect both US citizens who might be separated from their families and citizens of foreign countries hoping to enter the US, though such a measure would almost certainly have to wait on unified Democratic control of government.

Trump asks the Supreme Court to neutralize the Convention Against Torture
Trump asks the Supreme Court to neutralize the Convention Against Torture

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timea day ago

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Trump asks the Supreme Court to neutralize the Convention Against Torture

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The Trump administration, however, claims it has discovered a loophole that renders all of these legal protections worthless, and is now asking the Supreme Court to explicitly give it the authority to make use of that loophole in order to enact its immigration policies. According to President Donald Trump's lawyers, the administration can simply wait until after an immigration judge has conducted the proceeding that ordinarily would determine whether a particular noncitizen may be deported to a particular country, and then, if that noncitizen is allowed to be deported, announce that the immigrant will be deported to some previously unmentioned country — even if that immigrant reasonably fears they will be tortured in that nation. Department of Homeland Security v. 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And federal immigration law and regulations lay out the process that should be used to determine if an immigrant may be deported to a particular country. How immigration hearings are supposed to work As the district judge who heard this case explained in his opinion ruling that Trump must comply with the Convention Against Torture, when the government wishes to deport a noncitizen, that individual is typically entitled to a hearing before an immigration judge. That hearing determines 'not only whether an individual may be removed from the United States but also to where he may be removed.' In these proceedings, the immigrant is given an opportunity to name where they want to be deported to, if the immigration judge determines that they should be removed. If the immigrant does not do so, or if the United States cannot deport them to their designated country, federal law lays out where they may be sent. The United States may deport someone to a country where they have no ties only as a last resort, and only if that nation's government 'will accept the alien into that country.' The immigration judge will generally inform the noncitizen which nations they could potentially be sent to, giving that noncitizen an opportunity to raise any concerns that they may be tortured if sent to a particular country. The immigration judge will then decide whether those concerns are sufficiently serious to prohibit the United States from sending the immigrant to that particular country. The D.V.D. case concerns noncitizens who have been through this process. In many cases, an immigration judge determined that they could not be deported to a particular country. According to the immigrants' lawyers, for example, one of their clients is a Honduran woman. An immigration judge determined that she cannot be sent back to Honduras because her husband 'severely beat her and the children after his release from prison' and she fears that he would find her and abuse her again. And that brings us to the loophole that Trump's lawyers claim he can exploit to bypass the Convention Against Torture. Related The Supreme Court signals it might be losing patience with Trump Ordinarily, if the government wants to deport someone to a country that did not come up during their hearing before an immigration judge, it can reopen the process. The government will inform the immigrant where it wishes to deport them. The immigrant will again have the opportunity to object if they fear being tortured, and an immigration officer and, eventually, an immigration judge, will determine if this fear is credible. But the Trump administration claims it can bypass this process. 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It also typically prohibits judges from intervening in the government's decision to execute an existing removal order once that order has been handed down by an immigration judge. But, as the district judge explained, the D.V.D. plaintiffs do not challenge the government's 'discretionary decisions to execute their removal orders.' Nor do they 'challenge their removability.' They merely challenge the government's decision to bypass the ordinary process it must use to obtain an order permitting an immigrant to be deported to a specific country. The other two provisions, meanwhile, largely govern the appeals process that immigrants may use if they lose a case before an immigration judge. Such cases are typically appealed to the Board of Immigration Appeals, and then to a federal circuit court, not the district court that heard the D.V.D. case. But, again, the D.V.D. plaintiffs do not seek to appeal an immigration judge's decision. They object to the Trump administration's refusal to bring them before an immigration judge in the first place. Trump's lawyers, moreover, are quite candid about what it means if the Supreme Court accepts these jurisdictional arguments. 'To the extent an action does not fit' within their proposed process, they argue, 'the result is that judicial review is not available.' So, if Trump prevails, many of the immigrants he hopes to target will not have any recourse in any court.

Trump escalates his battle with California
Trump escalates his battle with California

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timea day ago

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Trump escalates his battle with California

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