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Together in Manzanar: The True Story of a Japanese Jewish Family in an American Concentration Camp

Together in Manzanar: The True Story of a Japanese Jewish Family in an American Concentration Camp

Japan Forwarda day ago
Together in Manzanar , by Tracey Slater, is the story of Karl and Elaine Yoneda and their relocation to the Manzanar concentration camp during the Second World War. The Manzanar camp is situated in Death Valley, California. It is one of 12 camps within which around 120,000 Japanese-Americans were infamously interned under Executive Order 9066, commencing in February 1942.
There were three categories of interned Japanese-Americans. The Issei were immigrants who had been born in Japan but who had migrated to the United States. Nissei were the children of the Issei. They had been born in the US and were thereby American citizens. Kibei-Nissei were Nissei who were American citizens by birth, but who had temporarily resided in Japan, generally for a period of schooling.
Karl Yoneda was a Kibei-Nissei. Elaine Yoneda, his wife, was a Caucasian Jew. At the time of the Pearl Harbor attack, their son, Thomas Yoneda, was just shy of three years old. Elaine additionally had a twelve-year-old daughter from a previous marriage.
The Yoneda's were well-known activists - passionate supporters of unionism during the union movement's formative years. They were labelled as communists by the US government. After her eventual death, a newspaper tribute to Elaine confidently predicted she was "unionizing Heaven."
As a military-aged male, Karl's internment was inevitable. He had hoped that his sickly infant Japanese-American son would be exempt, but this was not to be. The initial months of the internment program operated under the "one drop (of blood) rule." There were to be no exceptions. Elaine was left with a choice. Remain with her twelve-year-old daughter or follow her three-year-old son into camp.
Karl joined the camp construction team in return for the promise that the families of such volunteers would be the last to be interned. The promise was unkept. On April 1, 1942, the Yoneda family was reunited when Elaine and Tommy arrived at the Manzanar camp. They were part of the first group of forced incarcerees.
One of the many virtues of Slater's book is its account of how the policy of internment for Japanese-Americans came into being. It was promoted by the army as a "military necessity." A Navy report did not concur. This report concluded that the matter "should be handled on the basis of the individual," regardless of race or "citizenship." J Edgar Hoover, head of the FBI, considered the policy to be "primarily" motivated by "public and political pressure" rather than a "factual" foundation. The opinions of both Hoover and the Navy were ignored. Karl, Tommy and Elaine in front of their barrack apartment (Courtesy of the Karl G. Yoneda papers, UCLA Library of Special Collections)
A further strength is Slater's recounting of the prewar racist construction of the US and the popularization of the pseudo-science of eugenics. The prominence of eugenics is made clear by a quote from President Franklin Roosevelt himself. In 1925, he stated that "the mingling of Asiatic blood with European or American blood produces, in nine cases out of ten, the most unfortunate results."
After the initiation of the Asia-Pacific War, the tone of public discourse shifted dramatically. A host of American politicians and commentators began to express openly the full extent of racist views that had previously been spoken only in private, whispered, or left unsaid. Congressman John E Rankin of Mississippi declared that "all Japanese, alien or native born, should be taken into custody immediately and deported to the Orient after the war." A radio broadcast from San Francisco proposed that Japanese-Americans "be hung, deported," and "deprived of American citizenship," to which Slater adds, "presumably not in that order."
Calls for the Japanese-American incarcerees to be stripped of their citizenship had a profound effect within the Manzanar camp. Most internees were "fence sitters" who were simply hoping to endure their incarceration without "added turmoil." Gradually, however, the uncertainties regarding their fate led to the emergence of a pro-Japan faction.
The dominant personality of the pro-Japan group was Joe Kurihara, a Nissei who had never lived in Japan. Kurihara was a patriotic American who carried the scars of combat from World War I upon his torso. Upon American entry into the Second World War, he volunteered to once again fight but was sent into internment instead. Unable to reconcile his dedication and patriotism with the treatment received in return, he embraced his Japanese heritage. Kurihara ultimately opted to be expatriated to Japan, which occurred after the conclusion of the war.
The response of Karl Yoneda to incarceration, by contrast, was one of total compliance. This brought him into conflict with Kurihara and his like-minded supporters. The eventual implication was a December 1942 riot during which the guards were marshaled and two internees were killed.
The disparities between Yoneda and Kurihara generate thought-providing issues that are an unexpected theme of the book. Most Western readers of Together at Manzanar would be naturally drawn towards identifying with Karl Yoneda, but should they?
The standard 1940s trope about the Japanese (largely intact to this day) is of blind acceptance of that which is inflicted upon them from above, irrespective of how unjust it is. By contrast, the perception of Americanism is of passionately standing up for one's rights. Under this rubric, however, it was Kurihara, not Yoneda, who responded like an American.
The Kurihara/Yoneda factional divide did not cease with Allied victory and the closure of the camp. It continued into the postwar years, during which the Manzanar narrative was hotly contested. In reporting on Kurihara and his fellow agitators to the camp administration, Yoneda was accused of being an informant. His detractors further contend that the riot should be considered a "revolt." Yoneda retorted that his adversaries did not "realize what WWII was all about" and that characterizations of him as "blind patriot" hardly jibed with his lifetime of activism "against imperialism, exploitation, fascism, racism, and for decent working conditions." Leaving Los Angeles for Manzanar on the same transport as Elaine and Tommy, April 1, 1942 (Photo by Clem Albers, courtesy of the Online Archive of California, War Relocation Authority Photographs of Japanese-American Evacuation and Resettlement)
The animosity that remained between the competing Manzanar camp narrative factions during the postwar years is best characterized by a comment from Karl Yoneda. He remarked that if not for the Axis defeat, Kurihara and his team would have been "oven-tenders. " This most disparaging of summations, however, suggests that Yoneda was the one who lacked understanding of the Second World War.
Hitler's stated intention was to acquire living space for the Germanic people to the east. He attacked the Western powers because they had first declared war over the issue of Poland. The Japanese sought to establish a "Monroe Doctrine over Asia." They sought to enjoy the same prerogatives within Asia that the US reserved for itself within America. Neither of these belligerents was a direct threat to the US. This is especially true with the Japanese. After the Pearl Harbor attack, they withdrew into a defensive posture immediately.
Rhetoric from the pro-Japan faction at Manzanar may have sometimes been overly passionate. However, their support for the Japanese cause need not necessarily imply that they wanted America to be occupied.
Ultimately, the best interests of the US were for the internment program to be discontinued. The incarceration of the Japanese-American population denied America thousands of soldiers and tens of thousands of war industry laborers. It also tied up large numbers of non-Japanese-American guards and administrative workers. Which approach, compliance or dissent, would open the way for Japanese-Americans to participate in the war effort? Both factions could reasonably have assumed that their option was more likely to prevail.
As Together in Manzanar focuses on the Yoneda family, rather than the Manzanar camp per se , Slater's narrative of camp life ends, somewhat frustratingly, after the Yoneda family departed. This occurred in early 1943, when Karl was accepted into the Military Intelligence Service. He worked within the Asian war zone as a Japanese language specialist, interrogator, and translator. Elaine and Tommy left Manzanar when less draconian applications of Executive Order 9066 decreed that infant Tommy was no longer a threat to national security. In October 1944, Elaine was informed that she no longer needed to file the monthly report for Tommy, which had been a condition of his release.
An activity of the Military Intelligence Service in which Karl Yoneda was actively involved was producing flyers imploring Japanese soldiers to surrender. The program rarely worked, Karl conceded, but the flyers, Japanese soldiers, assured him, "were very useful for toilet needs." A combat role for Japanese-Americans came about when the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, composed of Nissei, was formed in early 1943. During active service within Europe, it went on to become one of the most decorated and widely respected US fighting units of the entire war.
Discrimination towards Asian-Americans did not end with the closure of the internment camps. All of the principal characters within this tale had struggles during the postwar years. There were no winners. Ironically, however, through the very existence of camp factionalism, a collective victory was achieved.
When Karl Yoneda directed complaints to the camp leadership, he was met with the reply, "You are all Japanese. I want you to get along." This rejoinder is a mirror of the rationale behind the incarceration itself: that a "Jap" is a "Jap." The factionalism of the camp and the battle for the postwar Manzanar narrative is the compelling proof that this was never the case – if, of course, further proof is still required. Tommy on the train to Manzanar, waving goodbye. (Courtesy of the Karl G. Yoneda papers, UCLA Library of Special Collections)
Together at Manzanar is a valuable book that comprehensively details the wartime experience of Japanese-Americans and the enabling racist culture. It personalizes the impact of the internment policy upon the Japanese-American community before, during, and after incarceration. It is a book that is also particularly well-timed. In March of this year, the webpage of the 442nd Regimental Combat Team was temporarily deleted from the US Army's website in line with President Donald Trump's anti-DEI crusade.
More significantly, hardline applications of immigration law are presently forcing soon-to-be deported immigrant parents to make Elaine Yoneda-like decisions regarding whether or not to separate from their American-born and thus American citizen children. One hopes those American youngsters will fare better than their WWII-era Japanese-American counterparts.
Author: Paul de Vries
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US military's attempt to retain strategic land for training runs into Native Hawaiian opposition
US military's attempt to retain strategic land for training runs into Native Hawaiian opposition

Winnipeg Free Press

time12 hours ago

  • Winnipeg Free Press

US military's attempt to retain strategic land for training runs into Native Hawaiian opposition

HONOLULU (AP) — A high-altitude plateau on the Big Island is the only place in Hawaii where thousands of ground forces can practice firing live munitions. It's also a place many Native Hawaiians consider the spiritual heart of the island. The U.S. military wants to keep training at this spot, called Pohakuloa, so it's ready to quickly send troops to Asia and the Pacific. Its importance to the U.S. is only growing as China becomes more assertive, particularly regarding Taiwan. But the Army's lease for state lands beneath a key part of the training range expires in 2029. Native Hawaiians upset with the U.S. military's history of damaging Hawaiian lands with target practice and fuel leaks want the Army out. 'They have bombed and contaminated not just our land but our waters,' said Healani Sonoda-Pale, a community organizer with the Hawaiian sovereignty group Ka Lahui Hawaii. 'When does this end?' A problematic history The military controls about 5% of Hawaii's land, including bases for all branches. It has programs and staff to protect endangered and threatened species, prevent fires, and plant native plants. But past incidents have made many Native Hawaiians skeptical. The Navy turned the island of Kahoolawe, off Maui, into a bombing range after the 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor. The Navy returned it in 1994 after years of protests. But subsequent cleanup efforts have been incomplete. Live grenades and bombs remain scattered across a quarter of the island. Memories are still fresh from when the Navy spilled jet fuel into Pearl Harbor's drinking water from a network of underground fuel storage tanks and pipes in 2021. The leak prompted 6,000 people to seek medical care for rashes, nausea and other ailments and contaminated a Honolulu aquifer. The disaster occurred after admirals spent years dismissing community calls to move the tanks. On Tuesday, Honolulu's water utility sued the Navy seeking to recoup an estimated $1.2 billion that it has had to spend because of the spill. Also on Oahu, environmental advocates say Army live-fire training in Makua Valley sparked wildfires and destroyed native forestland and sacred cultural sites. A legal settlement stopped such training in 2004. The cultural significance of Pohakuloa Pohakuloa consists of rocky plains, hills and brush about 6,200 feet (1,900 meters) above sea level between the Big Island's tallest volcanoes, Mauna Kea and Mauna Loa. It hosts endangered species including the Hawaiian catchfly shrub. Early Hawaiians ventured across the plateau to reach a Mauna Kea quarry that produced high-quality basalt for stone tools and to travel between coastal towns. In 2022, Army staff discovered ancient wooden 'kii,' or figures, in a lava tube, an underground passageway created by molten rock. Consultants said the figures are from human burials, and state preservationists say they're among Hawaii's most significant archaeological finds. Pohakuloa Training Area spans more than 200 square miles (518 square kilometers). The section in question is only 17% of that total, but it's critically located in between two larger federal parcels. Troops fire munitions from the state-owned parcel onto federal lands. The land's importance for training and deterrence Other live-fire training areas in Hawaii are too small to accommodate battalions and brigades. Commanders say it would take too long to send troops, trucks and helicopters to the U.S. mainland for drills. 'What we anticipate in a future fight is that we will not have the time to recover that equipment and to position ourselves back into the region,' said Maj. Gen. James Bartholomees, U.S. Army Pacific chief of staff. Pohakuloa training, he said, allows troops to 'move from Hawaii into the Indo-Pacific, into key terrain, to be prepared to meet our adversaries, or more importantly, to deter them.' The Marine Corps, Navy and Air Force exercise there, as do allied and partner militaries. The Hawaii National Guard accounts for one-quarter of Pohakuloa's training. County fire and police departments use it too. Negotiations to exchange land The Army prepared an environmental impact statement, including public feedback, that analyzed how the military's continued use of the land would affect plants, animals and cultural heritage. On May 9, the state land board rejected it after hearing hours of often emotional testimony in opposition. Among other issues, the board cited inadequate inventory of unexploded ordnance and insufficient inventory of ancient burials and associated artifacts. The Army is considering whether to appeal. It could also negotiate a land exchange with the state instead. Such talks can't begin until the Army finalizes its environmental study with a decision about its plans. The defense secretary's office then must sign off on acquiring land. Alice Roberts, U.S. Army Pacific's program manager for training land retention, said the service has had some informal conversations, including trying to understand the state's swap criteria. Buying the land would be a 'a big hurdle,' for the Army, she said, because two-thirds of the state House and Senate would need to approve such a transaction. U.S. Rep. Jill Tokuda, a Democrat, said the Army must double down on being good stewards and make up for the military's past mistakes. Tokuda wants the military to help increase Hawaii's housing supply, given that service members occupy 14% of Oahu's housing stock and that high housing costs are driving residents out. She said it could bolster Hawaii's water and sewer infrastructure. Hawaii Gov. 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Together in Manzanar: The True Story of a Japanese Jewish Family in an American Concentration Camp
Together in Manzanar: The True Story of a Japanese Jewish Family in an American Concentration Camp

Japan Forward

timea day ago

  • Japan Forward

Together in Manzanar: The True Story of a Japanese Jewish Family in an American Concentration Camp

Together in Manzanar , by Tracey Slater, is the story of Karl and Elaine Yoneda and their relocation to the Manzanar concentration camp during the Second World War. The Manzanar camp is situated in Death Valley, California. It is one of 12 camps within which around 120,000 Japanese-Americans were infamously interned under Executive Order 9066, commencing in February 1942. There were three categories of interned Japanese-Americans. The Issei were immigrants who had been born in Japan but who had migrated to the United States. Nissei were the children of the Issei. They had been born in the US and were thereby American citizens. Kibei-Nissei were Nissei who were American citizens by birth, but who had temporarily resided in Japan, generally for a period of schooling. Karl Yoneda was a Kibei-Nissei. Elaine Yoneda, his wife, was a Caucasian Jew. At the time of the Pearl Harbor attack, their son, Thomas Yoneda, was just shy of three years old. Elaine additionally had a twelve-year-old daughter from a previous marriage. The Yoneda's were well-known activists - passionate supporters of unionism during the union movement's formative years. They were labelled as communists by the US government. After her eventual death, a newspaper tribute to Elaine confidently predicted she was "unionizing Heaven." As a military-aged male, Karl's internment was inevitable. He had hoped that his sickly infant Japanese-American son would be exempt, but this was not to be. The initial months of the internment program operated under the "one drop (of blood) rule." There were to be no exceptions. Elaine was left with a choice. Remain with her twelve-year-old daughter or follow her three-year-old son into camp. Karl joined the camp construction team in return for the promise that the families of such volunteers would be the last to be interned. The promise was unkept. On April 1, 1942, the Yoneda family was reunited when Elaine and Tommy arrived at the Manzanar camp. They were part of the first group of forced incarcerees. One of the many virtues of Slater's book is its account of how the policy of internment for Japanese-Americans came into being. It was promoted by the army as a "military necessity." A Navy report did not concur. This report concluded that the matter "should be handled on the basis of the individual," regardless of race or "citizenship." J Edgar Hoover, head of the FBI, considered the policy to be "primarily" motivated by "public and political pressure" rather than a "factual" foundation. The opinions of both Hoover and the Navy were ignored. Karl, Tommy and Elaine in front of their barrack apartment (Courtesy of the Karl G. Yoneda papers, UCLA Library of Special Collections) A further strength is Slater's recounting of the prewar racist construction of the US and the popularization of the pseudo-science of eugenics. The prominence of eugenics is made clear by a quote from President Franklin Roosevelt himself. In 1925, he stated that "the mingling of Asiatic blood with European or American blood produces, in nine cases out of ten, the most unfortunate results." After the initiation of the Asia-Pacific War, the tone of public discourse shifted dramatically. A host of American politicians and commentators began to express openly the full extent of racist views that had previously been spoken only in private, whispered, or left unsaid. Congressman John E Rankin of Mississippi declared that "all Japanese, alien or native born, should be taken into custody immediately and deported to the Orient after the war." A radio broadcast from San Francisco proposed that Japanese-Americans "be hung, deported," and "deprived of American citizenship," to which Slater adds, "presumably not in that order." Calls for the Japanese-American incarcerees to be stripped of their citizenship had a profound effect within the Manzanar camp. Most internees were "fence sitters" who were simply hoping to endure their incarceration without "added turmoil." Gradually, however, the uncertainties regarding their fate led to the emergence of a pro-Japan faction. The dominant personality of the pro-Japan group was Joe Kurihara, a Nissei who had never lived in Japan. Kurihara was a patriotic American who carried the scars of combat from World War I upon his torso. Upon American entry into the Second World War, he volunteered to once again fight but was sent into internment instead. Unable to reconcile his dedication and patriotism with the treatment received in return, he embraced his Japanese heritage. Kurihara ultimately opted to be expatriated to Japan, which occurred after the conclusion of the war. The response of Karl Yoneda to incarceration, by contrast, was one of total compliance. This brought him into conflict with Kurihara and his like-minded supporters. The eventual implication was a December 1942 riot during which the guards were marshaled and two internees were killed. The disparities between Yoneda and Kurihara generate thought-providing issues that are an unexpected theme of the book. Most Western readers of Together at Manzanar would be naturally drawn towards identifying with Karl Yoneda, but should they? The standard 1940s trope about the Japanese (largely intact to this day) is of blind acceptance of that which is inflicted upon them from above, irrespective of how unjust it is. By contrast, the perception of Americanism is of passionately standing up for one's rights. Under this rubric, however, it was Kurihara, not Yoneda, who responded like an American. The Kurihara/Yoneda factional divide did not cease with Allied victory and the closure of the camp. It continued into the postwar years, during which the Manzanar narrative was hotly contested. In reporting on Kurihara and his fellow agitators to the camp administration, Yoneda was accused of being an informant. His detractors further contend that the riot should be considered a "revolt." Yoneda retorted that his adversaries did not "realize what WWII was all about" and that characterizations of him as "blind patriot" hardly jibed with his lifetime of activism "against imperialism, exploitation, fascism, racism, and for decent working conditions." Leaving Los Angeles for Manzanar on the same transport as Elaine and Tommy, April 1, 1942 (Photo by Clem Albers, courtesy of the Online Archive of California, War Relocation Authority Photographs of Japanese-American Evacuation and Resettlement) The animosity that remained between the competing Manzanar camp narrative factions during the postwar years is best characterized by a comment from Karl Yoneda. He remarked that if not for the Axis defeat, Kurihara and his team would have been "oven-tenders. " This most disparaging of summations, however, suggests that Yoneda was the one who lacked understanding of the Second World War. Hitler's stated intention was to acquire living space for the Germanic people to the east. He attacked the Western powers because they had first declared war over the issue of Poland. The Japanese sought to establish a "Monroe Doctrine over Asia." They sought to enjoy the same prerogatives within Asia that the US reserved for itself within America. Neither of these belligerents was a direct threat to the US. This is especially true with the Japanese. After the Pearl Harbor attack, they withdrew into a defensive posture immediately. Rhetoric from the pro-Japan faction at Manzanar may have sometimes been overly passionate. However, their support for the Japanese cause need not necessarily imply that they wanted America to be occupied. Ultimately, the best interests of the US were for the internment program to be discontinued. The incarceration of the Japanese-American population denied America thousands of soldiers and tens of thousands of war industry laborers. It also tied up large numbers of non-Japanese-American guards and administrative workers. Which approach, compliance or dissent, would open the way for Japanese-Americans to participate in the war effort? Both factions could reasonably have assumed that their option was more likely to prevail. As Together in Manzanar focuses on the Yoneda family, rather than the Manzanar camp per se , Slater's narrative of camp life ends, somewhat frustratingly, after the Yoneda family departed. This occurred in early 1943, when Karl was accepted into the Military Intelligence Service. He worked within the Asian war zone as a Japanese language specialist, interrogator, and translator. Elaine and Tommy left Manzanar when less draconian applications of Executive Order 9066 decreed that infant Tommy was no longer a threat to national security. In October 1944, Elaine was informed that she no longer needed to file the monthly report for Tommy, which had been a condition of his release. An activity of the Military Intelligence Service in which Karl Yoneda was actively involved was producing flyers imploring Japanese soldiers to surrender. The program rarely worked, Karl conceded, but the flyers, Japanese soldiers, assured him, "were very useful for toilet needs." A combat role for Japanese-Americans came about when the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, composed of Nissei, was formed in early 1943. During active service within Europe, it went on to become one of the most decorated and widely respected US fighting units of the entire war. Discrimination towards Asian-Americans did not end with the closure of the internment camps. All of the principal characters within this tale had struggles during the postwar years. There were no winners. Ironically, however, through the very existence of camp factionalism, a collective victory was achieved. When Karl Yoneda directed complaints to the camp leadership, he was met with the reply, "You are all Japanese. I want you to get along." This rejoinder is a mirror of the rationale behind the incarceration itself: that a "Jap" is a "Jap." The factionalism of the camp and the battle for the postwar Manzanar narrative is the compelling proof that this was never the case – if, of course, further proof is still required. Tommy on the train to Manzanar, waving goodbye. (Courtesy of the Karl G. Yoneda papers, UCLA Library of Special Collections) Together at Manzanar is a valuable book that comprehensively details the wartime experience of Japanese-Americans and the enabling racist culture. It personalizes the impact of the internment policy upon the Japanese-American community before, during, and after incarceration. It is a book that is also particularly well-timed. In March of this year, the webpage of the 442nd Regimental Combat Team was temporarily deleted from the US Army's website in line with President Donald Trump's anti-DEI crusade. More significantly, hardline applications of immigration law are presently forcing soon-to-be deported immigrant parents to make Elaine Yoneda-like decisions regarding whether or not to separate from their American-born and thus American citizen children. One hopes those American youngsters will fare better than their WWII-era Japanese-American counterparts. Author: Paul de Vries

Yasukuni Shrine and the Religious Spirit of the Japanese People
Yasukuni Shrine and the Religious Spirit of the Japanese People

Japan Forward

timea day ago

  • Japan Forward

Yasukuni Shrine and the Religious Spirit of the Japanese People

Yasukuni Shrine celebrated its founding anniversary on June 29. Soon it will host the vibrant Mitama Festival, held from the evening of July 13 to July 16. Timed to coincide with the modern Obon season, the festival draws large crowds of worshippers. It stands alongside the annual spring and autumn festivals (April 22 and October 18) as one of the shrine's most significant annual events. Over its three-week period, which also includes Okinawa Memorial Day on June 23, public attention naturally renews on the many issues surrounding Yasukuni Shrine. On a more personal note, July 10 marks the anniversary of the death of the shrine's sixth guji (chief priest), the late Nagakuni Matsudaira. Matsudaira once observed that "Yasukuni is a shrine under intense political pressure." This reflection was born from the many political storms he faced and steadfastly navigated during his tenure as guji. Fortunately, the details of these struggles are preserved in Seiron Extra No. 33: 150 Years of Yasukuni Shrine – Spirits of the Fallen and the Emperor's Worship . The Sankei Shimbun published it in December 2018, and it stands as an invaluable historical record. Even seven years after its release, the volume remains an authoritative resource, virtually an encyclopedia on Yasukuni Shrine. It provides clear and comprehensive answers to the wide range of questions readers continue to raise. Most notably, it includes an annotated reprint of Matsudaira's post-retirement testimony, "The Real Reason Why the Emperor's Visits to Yasukuni Ceased." Many regard this as the most nuanced and definitive account of one of postwar Japan's most politically sensitive issues. Thanks to the dedication of those who have long revered Yasukuni Shrine, it has weathered numerous challenges in the postwar era. A closer look at its outward form and its spiritual core reveals the shrine's striking consistency in upholding its identity, even through times of great upheaval. This enduring constancy serves as a powerful symbol of the original essence of Japanese religious sentiment. At its core, the Japanese sense of religion is rooted in ancestor worship and the veneration of ancestral spirits. Many believe that through reverent rituals, these spirits transform into protective deities watching over their descendants. This vertical bond, between the living and their deified forebears, eventually extends horizontally into community life. In turn, this gives rise to the ujigami (local guardian deities) and ujiko (parishioners) system, which is the spiritual foundation of villages across Japan. It was in this rich soil that Japanese religiosity took firm root. From the late Heian period (794-1185) to the early Kamakura era (1185-1333), the idea of enshrining guardian deities on a national scale emerged from the warrior clans and feudal domains. By the mid-16th century, Japan engaged in increasingly complex diplomacy with Portugal, Spain, and Ming China. Out of this emerged a new awareness, a sense of Japan as a nation situated within the broader world. Visitors queue up in the summer heat to pay their respects. Yasukuni Shrine, August 15, 2024 (© JAPAN Forward by Daniel Manning) In the mid-19th century, Western ships from the United States, Russia, and Britain began pressing Japan to open its ports. Many in Japan viewed these demands as a national crisis. In response to the upheaval that followed, officials established the Shokonsha (literally 'soul-inviting shrine'). It enshrined those who died fighting for the imperial restoration in the Boshin War (1868–69). From the outset, its purpose was clear: to honor these fallen as "martyrs to the nation." Following the Satsuma Rebellion of 1877, which resulted in even greater casualties than the Boshin War, the number of enshrined spirits exceeded 10,000. This prompted growing discomfort with the name Shokonsha, which implied a temporary resting place. The shrine's mission evolved into something more enduring: to permanently enshrine the spirits of those who gave their lives for the nation. In recognition of this, a new name was chosen — Yasukuni Shrine. Nearly 150 years have passed since the founding of Yasukuni Shrine. In that time, Japan faced numerous overseas conflicts. From the First Sino-Japanese War to the Russo-Japanese War, there were approximately 130,000 war dead. Including the casualties of the Second Sino-Japanese War and the Greater East Asia War, Yasukuni Shrine has enshrined more than 2.32 million souls. These individuals gave their lives in the noble service of defending the homeland. As such, the Japanese people revere them as guardian spirits of the nation. Their memory is honored not only by ordinary citizens. The Emperor himself also honors it, and has long offered sincere reverence as one protected by these spirits. This relationship of respect and devotion has endured, unchanged even after Japan's defeat in World War II. If one were to ask what defines the religious spirit of the Japanese people, a question of academic depth, Yasukuni Shrine offers one of the most profound answers. The shrine's evolving relationship with the public reveals shifting perspectives within Japanese society. Views on war, the world, life and death, Shinto, Buddhism, and even monotheistic religions have all intersected through this relationship. Seen through this lens, religion in Japan is not an isolated domain, but one deeply woven into the fabric of everyday life. (Read the Seiron essay in Japanese.) Author: Keiichiro Kobori, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo

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