Why Dalit conversion to Buddhism hasn't taken off, and how it still can

The Print

27-04-2025

Sunita's experience reflects the silent resistance that confronts many who dare to leave the Hindu fold. A mass conversion event in the presence of Aam Aadmi Party leader Rajendra Pal Gautam in October 2022 snowballed into political controversy over the 22 vows, which included: 'I shall have no faith in Brahma, Vishnu, and Maheshwara, nor shall I worship them. I shall have no faith in Rama and Krishna, who are believed to be the incarnation of God, nor shall I worship them.'
Consider the story of Sunita, a Dalit woman from Hathras, Uttar Pradesh. In 2020, she and her family, along with others, converted to Buddhism after facing caste-based violence from dominant-caste neighbours. They stopped being invited to village functions, lost access to the community well, and were told to stay out of the village temple permanently. 'We thought we were freeing ourselves,' she said. 'Instead, we became invisible.'
'I was born a Hindu, but I will not die a Hindu,' Dr BR Ambedkar once famously said. And he did not renege on his words.
On 14 October 1956, Ambedkar, architect of the Indian Constitution and champion of Dalit rights, stood before a crowd of over 5 lakh Dalits in Nagpur and renounced Hinduism. In its place, he embraced Buddhism, not merely as a spiritual choice, but as a political declaration of freedom. The moment was electric. It felt like the beginning of a revolution that would unshackle millions from the age-old chains of caste.
Yet, over seventy years later, the wave never became a flood. According to the 2011 Census, Buddhists account for just 0.7 per cent of India's population. Of those, nearly 90 per cent are Ambedkarite Dalits, mostly concentrated in Maharashtra. So, why did a movement expected to liberate tens of millions stall?
The answers lie in a complex web of politics, economics, culture, and identity. These can be boiled down to eight points.
Also Read: Buddhism has just been reduced to anti-Brahmin thought. But it shaped Hindu reforms too
Leadership vacuum after Ambedkar
Ambedkar's death just weeks after his historic conversion was a blow to the fledgling movement. Without his moral and intellectual leadership, the conversion wave lost direction. Dalit politics splintered, focusing more on electoral gains and caste assertion within Hinduism than on religious transformation.
While the Bahujan Samaj Party did raise Dalit consciousness, it did not champion Buddhism with the same fervour. Dalit Panther started off strong but soon died out, and the Republican Party of India is also fragmented into groups.
Worse, no national leader of Ambedkar's stature has emerged to carry forward the flame of Navayana Buddhism — his reinterpretation of Buddhism as a socially engaged, rational path for the oppressed.
Economic insecurity and fear of boycott
Dalits remain economically vulnerable. According to the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO), Dalits have significantly lower land ownership, literacy rates, and access to capital. For many, especially in rural India, dominant caste networks control jobs, credit, and basic survival.
Conversion often means social boycott, job loss, or worse—violence. There are tons of stories about Dalits being assaulted just for being assertive—for riding a horse, keeping a 'Jai Bhim' ringtone, keeping a moustache etc. If there's no violence, there's an all-around social boycott, against which even the authorities are powerless.
It's a high-stakes gamble for people who have little to begin with.
Hinduism's absorptive power
Hinduism is remarkably adept at absorbing dissent. Over the decades, it has co-opted Buddha as an avatar of Vishnu, repositioned Ambedkar as a national hero (often stripped of his anti-caste radicalism), and incorporated Dalit deities into its pantheon.
Most foot soldiers of the BJP are from marginalised communities, while the Baniya–Brahmin caste groups play the role of office bearers. Tell me — how many Brahmins demolished Babri with their own hands? How many Brahmins were directly responsible for the killings in the 2002 riots? It was all carried out by foot soldiers like Babu Bajrangi, mostly from OBC backgrounds.
I have a personal anecdote to share here. My nephew heads the Shiv Sena (Shinde faction) office in Goregaon West, a suburb of Mumbai. He comes from a not-so-well-off neo-Buddhist background, but is a supporter of the Hindutva agenda. He's been to this year's Maha Kumbh, campaigned for the party during the 2024 state elections, and also took out a bike rally during the inauguration of the Ram Mandir at Ayodhya, supporting his larger Hindu brethren. He's clearly doing it for political clout and to rise up the ranks. But probably the rest of the cadre see him as a workhorse, or someone they can bank on to get the Dalit votes.
This leaves him in a precarious position of being 'neither here, nor there' when it comes to an openly Hindu nationalist party like the Shiv Sena. And he's not the only one. I've been to Dalit homes that have a big garlanded picture of Ambedkar in the living room, and Hindu gods in the kitchen. This dilution has further taken away the essence of Ambedkar's progressive Buddhism as an answer to years of oppression.
Meanwhile, reformist Hindu sects like Arya Samaj and Ramakrishna Mission offer a supposedly caste-neutral version of the religion that keeps people within the Hindu cultural fold. This co-option blunts the revolutionary edge of conversion.
Lack of Buddhist infrastructure
Unlike Hinduism, Buddhism in India lacks a robust ecosystem of temples, rituals, clergy, and educational institutions. Outside of Maharashtra, it's often invisible. Dalit converts find themselves without spiritual guidance or cultural support. An example of this is the ongoing Mahabodhi temple protests, where the temple management is exclusively in Brahmin hands.
Many countries with large Buddhist populations, like China, Japan, and Vietnam, have built temples in Bodh Gaya, but there's little political support from them because their understanding of Buddhism is different from ours. Buddhism in India is more of socio-political religion, while in many East and Southeast Asian countries they worship Buddha as a regular 'magical sky god' with elaborate rituals. In urban India, stripped of Ambedkarite radicalism, Buddhism has also become a fancy, Zen-like lifestyle choice for many.
Moreover, Buddhism in its Ambedkarite form has yet to develop widely accepted rites for birth, marriage, or death — key moments in the life of any community. Without a parallel spiritual culture, people often revert to Hindu practices by default.
Hindutva and state hostility
In recent years, religious conversion has become a politically charged issue. Anti-conversion laws in several states require prior approval from authorities, making the process bureaucratically daunting and socially dangerous.
The rise of Hindutva ideology has only worsened the climate. Conversion is framed as a betrayal of the nation, and Dalits who convert are labelled as traitors, tools of foreign influence, or anti-Hindu.
Buddhism, as a non-Abrahamic religion, also lacks the monetary support that Christian missionary networks enjoy. These are now deeply embedded within India, propagating their religion through experiential marketing like schools, hospitals etc. Buddhism does not have the same marketing muscle due to lack of interest from Buddhist countries in propagating the faith in India, as well as the ingrained detachment that is central to its teachings.
Psychological conditioning and internalised oppression
Centuries of oppression do not fade easily. Many Dalits have internalised the idea of caste hierarchy as divine order or karmic destiny. Despite suffering, some cling to Hinduism out of spiritual familiarity or fear of the unknown.
There is also emotional attachment to cultural festivals, temples, and rituals. Leaving Hinduism may often feel like cutting off one's roots. Buddhism is probably the only big religion in the world which does not have a holy book, holy month, or a single, worshipped place of origin (like Mecca or Jerusalem). Technically, I would say Buddhism is much closer to atheism due to its lack of a rigid value system and liberal structure of rites and invocations.
Communication gap and narrative failure
The Buddhist movement has largely failed to capture the popular imagination. There are few films, stories, songs, or festivals that make Ambedkarite Buddhism aspirational or emotionally resonant. The movement has remained too academic, activist, or region-specific. Ambedkar's teachings, while profound, are often presented in jargon-heavy or ideological formats that alienate common audiences.
Meanwhile, Hinduism thrives in mainstream media—from devotional serials and Bollywood blockbusters to festivals that dominate public spaces. Without storytelling, symbols, or rituals that speak to the heart, Buddhism risks being seen as emotionless or disconnected. The absence of cultural products that celebrate Buddhist identity weakens its appeal among youth, who crave both meaning and expression.
Also Read: Tamil Nadu to set up its 1st Buddhist museum in Nagapattinam, where the religion thrived under Cholas
Urban mobility and shifting priorities
For some upwardly mobile Dalits, especially in urban areas, caste has become less visible. Reservation benefits, education, and jobs have given a sense of social escape without religious rupture. These individuals may not see conversion as essential for liberation.
However, this is often a superficial escape. Caste prejudice still exists in universities, offices, and even matrimonial sites. But for those climbing the ladder, rocking the boat may seem unnecessary. There's also a growing detachment from collective movements as individual success becomes the priority.
Moreover, the neoliberal narrative of meritocracy and personal branding dilutes the urgency of mass conversion. Young Dalits in cities may choose silence over assertion, seeing religion as private rather than political. Without a visible incentive or community framework to support conversion, many remain passive bystanders.
How do we reignite the movement?
If Ambedkarite Buddhism is to flourish, it needs more than memory; it needs momentum. Here are some ways forward:
Grassroots education: Invest in spreading Buddhist philosophy in local languages through books, workshops, and community centres.
Cultural production: Encourage the making of films, songs, art, and stories that showcase Buddhist values and Ambedkarite ideals in emotionally resonant ways.
Develop Buddhist rituals and spaces: Create meaningful rites of passage and build temples, meditation centres, and community halls that can support spiritual and social needs.
Leadership development: Identify and nurture Dalit leaders who can articulate a modern, inclusive, and inspiring vision of Buddhism.
Legal support and awareness: Provide legal aid to protect converts and educate people about their constitutional right to religious freedom.
International alliances: Partner with global Buddhist organisations for support, visibility, and solidarity.
Make it aspirational: Shift the narrative from victimhood to pride, from suffering to empowerment. Conversion must feel like an upgrade, not an escape.
Ambedkar saw Buddhism not as an end, but as a beginning; a spiritual scaffolding for dignity, reason, and social equality. The dream has dimmed, but not died. The chains of caste still rattle, but the key remains within reach. Perhaps the next revolution won't begin with a single man in Nagpur, but with thousands reclaiming their humanity, one vow at a time. The moment is waiting. The question is: are we ready to move from memory to movement again?
Vaibhav Wankhede is a creative marketer and writer. Views are personal.
(Edited by Asavari Singh)