
At least five children killed in blast in southwest Yemen
The circumstances surrounding the incident late on Friday in the al-Hashmah subdistrict of Taiz province remain unclear.
However, on Saturday, the Yemen Center for Human Rights and another rights group called Eye of Humanity, along with Houthi-controlled Al Masirah TV, said an artillery shell was fired by militias backed by the Islah party, which is allied to the internationally recognised government in south Yemen.
Two local residents who were witnesses, Ahmed al-Sharee and Khaled al-Areki, told The Associated Press news agency that the children were playing football when the explosion happened.
At least three people with minor to moderate injuries were also taken to the hospital, according to the witnesses. Meanwhile, Mahmoud al-Mansi, another witness, said the explosive was directed from an area where forces allied with the Islah party were present.
A spokesperson for the United Nations children's agency, UNICEF, told The Associated Press that they are aware of reports about the incident but can't verify the facts at the moment.
The Yemen Center for Human Rights condemned the incident in a report that included graphic photos of the children's torn bodies. Citing healthcare sources at al-Rafai Hospital, where the victims arrived unresponsive, the group said they died from shrapnel injuries.
Two of the children were 12 years old, while two others were 14 years old, according to the group. The age of the fifth child is unknown.
Taiz city, the capital of the province of Taiz, has been a battleground, pitting the Houthis against other armed groups backed by the Islah party against each other and other factions in Yemen's civil war.
The city was under Houthi blockade since 2016, restricting the freedom of movement and flow of essential goods to residents, but Houthis recently opened key roads.
Yemen's ruinous civil war began in 2014 when the Houthis seized the capital, Sanaa, and much of northern Yemen, forcing the internationally recognised government into exile.
A coalition led by Saudi Arabia and including the United Arab Emirates intervened in 2015 to try to restore the government to power.
Years of UN-brokered peace talks have also failed to break the deadlock. But the conflict has been largely frozen since the sides reached a ceasefire in 2022.
The UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council controls much of the south, which has been fractured by the civil war. The council advocates for the south's secession and has its own forces, allied to the internationally recognised government, fighting the Houthis.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Al Jazeera
3 hours ago
- Al Jazeera
UN experts cast blame on Rwanda and Uganda. What are they doing in DRC?
Kampala, Uganda – Rwanda is in 'command and control' of M23 rebels in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda has 'unilaterally doubled its military presence' in the DRC, and armed groups – including those aligned to the Congolese government – are committing rights violations against civilians, according to a group of United Nations experts. An as-yet unpublished report from UN experts on DRC that was leaked to the media and seen by Al Jazeera describes violations by all parties to the conflict and blames neighbouring governments for allegedly exploiting and escalating the current crisis. The report was submitted to the UN Security Council in May, the Reuters news agency reported. It is expected to be released soon, a UN expert who contributed to the report told Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity, without specifying a date. While analysts see these reports as an essential tool of accountability, Kigali and Kampala have called the experts biased. Neither government replied to Al Jazeera's request for comment about the contents of the report, but both have repeatedly denied the accusations levelled against them. Meanwhile, the new findings risk putting a damper on the cautious optimism garnered by the signing of a peace deal between Rwanda and the DRC in the US last month, and ongoing Qatar-mediated peace talks between Kinshasa and M23. Rwanda's 'instruction', control of resources For years, M23, which the UN says is backed by Rwanda – a charge Kigali denies – has been embroiled in conflict with the Congolese army and its allied militias known as Wazalendo. Early this year, M23 made rapid advances, seizing control of Goma and Bukavu, the capitals of North Kivu and South Kivu, respectively, which it still holds today. The latest UN experts report – the first since M23's advance – offers a stark assessment of the conflict, placing blame on Rwanda for facilitating the rapid expansion of the rebel forces. Rwanda is providing 'critical support' to M23, which takes 'instructions' from Rwanda's government and intelligence services, said the report. In previous reports, the UN experts found there were some 3,000-4,000 Rwandan troops fighting alongside M23 in the DRC. 'One week prior to the [M23] Goma attack, Rwandan officials confidentially informed the Group [of experts] that President Paul Kagame had decided to imminently take control of Goma and Bukavu,' the new report alleged. Rwanda has repeatedly denied backing M23, while Kigali has sharply criticised the UN experts. 'These reports were written long ago,' President Paul Kagame said at a news conference in Kigali on July 4, after the contents of the report started circulating in international media. 'They come here just to confirm a narrative they already had,' the Rwandan leader said about the UN panel of experts. Kagame likened the experts to an arsonist who torches a house but also acts as both judge and prosecutor. 'The very ones who burned the [house] are the ones in the seat to judge and prosecute.' The report by UN experts, however, only reasserted its criticism of Kigali. The Rwandan army's 'de facto direction and effective control' over M23's operations 'render Rwanda liable for the actions' of the group, the report said, arguing that Rwanda's conduct meets the threshold for international sanctions. Last month's US-brokered deal between the DRC and Rwanda does not include M23, but it stipulates that all parties should comply with the Qatar peace process. It also highlights that the Congolese government should facilitate the disengagement of the armed group, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), which was established by Hutus linked to the killings of Tutsis in the 1994 Rwanda genocide. Rwanda should then lift its 'defensive measures' inside the DRC, the agreement said. While Kigali has often argued that its actions in the DRC are aimed at addressing longstanding security threats posed by the FDLR, the UN experts assert that its actions went far beyond legitimate security concerns. The experts noted that 'the final objective of Kigali was to control the territory of the DRC and its natural resources.' Their report details how minerals, including coltan, were looted from mines in towns seized by M23, then smuggled into Rwanda. 'Once in Rwanda, the looted minerals were mixed with local production, effectively laundering them into the downstream supply chain under the guise of Rwandan origin,' the report said. Part of the minerals smuggled to Rwanda were purchased by Boss Mining Solutions Inc, represented by Eddy Habimana, who has previously been implicated in the illegal trafficking of minerals from the DRC, the report added. Uganda 'doubles' military footprint Beyond Rwanda, the report also outlines violations of international law by another neighbour, Uganda. Amid the Rwanda/M23–DRC fighting, there was a 'rapid military build-up' by the Uganda People's Defence Forces (UPDF) in North Kivu and Ituri provinces, the report said. Troops significantly increased this year 'effectively doubling Uganda's footprint in the country', it added. The Ugandan army, which has conducted joint operations with the Congolese military against the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a rebel movement with origins in Uganda, since 2023, 'unilaterally' increased its troop presence in eastern DRC, the report added. 'The DRC government confirmed that the new UPDF deployment was executed without its prior approval, and that UPDF was undertaking unilateral initiatives outside the framework of joint operations with the [Congolese army],' the report read. The deployment, according to the panel of experts, raised questions about Kampala's motives, particularly given past allegations of UPDF support to M23. While Uganda claimed the troop movements were defensive and aimed at securing its economic interests, the report says their positioning created a de facto buffer zone that shielded M23 from northern counterattacks. In response, Uganda's ambassador to the UN, Adonia Ayebare, wrote on X that the report 'contains falsehoods' and attempts to undermine the joint military operation with the DRC. He said Uganda will make an official statement after publication of the report. General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Uganda's army commander also posted on X, saying: 'While the UN so called 'Group of Experts' writes biased reports against us, we (UPDF) continue to save the lives of human beings in our region.' The report by the UN experts had called out 'repeated incendiary public statements' by Kainerugaba in which they said he emphasised close cooperation between the UPDF and the Rwandan army. The report also accused Thomas Lubanga, a former ICC convict living in Kampala, of forming a politico-military movement to oppose the Congolese government, 'with at least moral and passive endorsement from the Ugandan authorities'. However, addressing journalists in Kampala on July 16, Lubanga said he is in forced exile because of persecution by Kinshasa, and if his movement had been receiving support from Uganda, it 'would find itself on Kinshasa's doorstep today'. Ugandan, Rwandan interests in DRC Kristof Titeca, a professor at the University of Antwerp who recently published a report on Uganda's operations in DRC, urges readers to view the UN report and the backlash it has provoked in the context of regional dynamics. Kigali and Kampala share overlapping interests in the DRC – chiefly concerning security, political influence, and economic access – but these interests also place them in a complex relationship of both cooperation and competition, he said. Titeca argues that the resurgence and rapid expansion of M23 was, in part, triggered by Kigali's fear that Kampala might encroach on its influence in eastern DRC after Uganda allowed its soldiers to enter DRC in pursuit of the ADF. As M23 gained ground towards the end of 2024, Uganda reacted with troop deployments, particularly aimed at preventing the rebels – and by extension, Rwanda – from entering areas it sees as its sphere of interest. Titeca says the military manoeuvres were as much a strategic message to Rwanda as they were about protecting Ugandan interests. Drawing from movements and postures observed since late 2024, Titeca suggests that Kigali and Kampala may have an implicit understanding of their respective zones of influence. 'Some people think there might be some agreement between Kampala and Kigali on their area of interest,' he said. In eastern DRC, 'they are friends and also enemies at the same time,' he added, referring to Uganda and Rwanda. Kinshasa's violations For the UN experts, Kinshasa bears some responsibility, too. On the Congolese side, the report paints a picture of a state under siege, struggling to maintain sovereignty over its eastern territories. The government continued to rely heavily on irregular Wazalendo groups, and on the FDLR, despite the latter being under UN sanctions, as proxies in its fight against M23 and the Rwandan army. While strategic, the report says, this alliance has worsened the security and human rights situation, contributing to reprisal attacks, child recruitment and sexual violence. As it called out M23's actions during the taking of Goma and Bukavu, the report also documented a pattern of grave international humanitarian law and rights violations – including looting, sexual violence, and killings – by retreating Congolese soldiers and Wazalendo fighters at the same time. 'These abuses occurred in a climate of impunity, in the general context of a weakening chain of command,' it said. Al Jazeera sought a response to these claims from the Congolese government, but received no reply. In dismissing the report, the Rwandan president accused the panel of perpetuating a biased narrative against Kigali and of ignoring Congolese government complicity with the FDLR, which he says continues to spread anti-Tutsi views that led to the 1994 genocide. 'All the reports, 75 percent of them, blame AFC/M23 and Rwanda,' Kagame said at the July 4 news conference. 'You will find they never write anything comprehensive about FDLR or how Congolese institutions spread hate and genocide ideology. How can experts not see that?' Speaking to Al Jazeera, Rwandan analyst Thierry Gatete echoed Kagame's criticisms, questioning the credibility of the UN panel and alleging that they rarely conduct field research. 'They sit in New York or Paris and rely on testimonies from Congolese officials or FDLR sympathisers,' he said. The report notes that Rwanda denied the group of experts access to Kigali. However, Gatete says Rwanda initially cooperated with the panel but later gave up because the reports were consistently biased and, in his view, inconsequential. 'Nobody takes what they write seriously,' he said. While Rwanda and Uganda view the UN reports as biased, others see them as essential tools for accountability. Stewart Muhindo, a researcher with Congolese civil society group LUCHA, said the panel provides critical evidence that challenges both state and non-state actors. 'The panel tells hard truths,' he noted, pointing out that the report also criticises the DRC government for its continued collaboration with the FDLR, despite promises to end the alliance. 'It's not just about blaming Rwanda.' Muhindo also agrees with UN experts that the DRC's reliance on Wazalendo fighters has exacerbated the humanitarian crisis. These irregular forces, though not sanctioned like the FDLR, have been implicated in atrocities, including attacks on civilians and the recruitment of child soldiers, he said. 'Despite ongoing peacemaking initiatives, efforts to stabilise the region continue to face significant challenges,' the UN experts said in the report. 'Civilians bore the brunt of the conflict, enduring widespread displacement, insecurity, and grave violations of international humanitarian and human rights law.'


Al Jazeera
4 hours ago
- Al Jazeera
South Korea to end private adoptions after inquiry finds abuse rife
South Korea is set to end the decades-old practice of outsourcing adoptions to private agencies, after a damaging investigation concluded the country's government-endorsed foreign adoption programme violated the fundamental human rights of adoptees. On Saturday, South Korea will introduce a 'newly restructured public adoption system, under which the state and local governments take full responsibility for the entire adoption process', South Korea's Ministry of Health and Welfare said. South Korea sent more than 140,000 children overseas following the devastating 1950-53 Korean War, when intercountry adoption was encouraged as a solution. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission investigation concluded earlier this year that the international adoption process had been riddled with irregularities, including 'fraudulent orphan registrations, identity tampering, and inadequate vetting of adoptive parents'. The new change is a 'significant step towards ensuring the safety and promoting the rights of adopted children', the Health Ministry added. Under the new system, key procedures – such as assessing prospective adoptive parents and matching them with children – will be deliberated by a ministry committee, under the principle of the 'best interests of the child'. Previously, this had been done by major adoption agencies with minimal oversight from the state. The commission blamed the government for the issues, particularly a failure to regulate adoption fees, which turned the industry into a profit-driven one. 'With this restructuring of the public adoption system, the state now takes full responsibility for ensuring the safety and rights of all adopted children,' said Kim Sang-hee, director of population and child policy at the Ministry of Health and Welfare. International adoption began after the Korean War as a way to remove mixed-race children, born to Korean mothers and American soldier fathers, from a country that emphasised ethnic homogeneity. It became big business in the 1970s to 1980s, bringing international adoption agencies millions of dollars as the country overcame post-war poverty and faced rapid and aggressive economic development. Activists say the new measure is only a starting point and warn it is far from sufficient. 'While I think it's high time that Korea close down all private adoption agencies, I don't believe … having the state handle new adoptions is enough,' said writer Lisa Wool-Rim Sjoblom, a Korean adoptee who grew up in Sweden. The government should prioritise implementing the findings of the truth commission, issue an official apology, and work to help the tens of thousands of Koreans who were sent abroad for adoption, Sjoblom told the AFP news agency. 'The government urgently needs to acknowledge all the human rights violations it enabled, encouraged, and systematically participated in, and, as soon as possible, begin reparations.'


Al Jazeera
14 hours ago
- Al Jazeera
Top anti-corruption group flees El Salvador amid government crackdown
The El Salvador human rights and anti-corruption watchdog Cristosal says it has relocated its operations outside the country, as the government of President Nayib Bukele intensifies its crackdown on dissenting voices. Cristosal said on Thursday that it has suspended work in El Salvador and relocated its staff out of the country, where the group plans to continue its work in exile. 'When it became clear that the government was prepared to persecute us criminally and that there is no possibility of defence or impartial trial, that makes it unviable to take those risks anymore,' Noah Bullock, executive director of Cristosal, told the news agency Reuters, speaking from Guatemala. The Bukele government has stepped up its targeting of organisations and figures that scrutinise the government's record on issues such as corruption and security, threatening rights groups and independent media with what critics say are fabricated legal challenges. Ruth Lopez, a prominent anti-corruption and justice advocate with Cristosal, was arrested on corruption charges in May and remains in detention. Her arrest has been denounced by organisations such as Amnesty International and the United Nations. Bukele also announced a new law in May requiring non-governmental organisations that receive support from outside the country to register with the government and pay additional taxes. Cristosal has operated in El Salvador for 25 years and has become a target of ire for Bukele with investigations into government corruption and reports on the human toll of El Salvador's campaign of mass arrests and suspension of key civil liberties in the name of combating gang activity. 'Under a permanent state of exception and near-total control of all institutions, El Salvador has ceased to be a state of rights,' the group said in a statement on Thursday. 'Expressing an opinion or demanding basic rights today can land you in jail.' The Bukele government declared a 'state of exception' in March 2022, granting the government and security forces exceptional powers and suspending key civil liberties. The government's push has substantially reduced the influence of powerful gangs that had previously smothered life in Salvadoran cities with exploitation and violence. Those successes have won Bukele widespread popularity, but come at a steep cost: scores of people swept into prisons without charge, held in abysmal conditions and with no means of contesting their detention. Bukele himself has also faced accusations of coordinating behind the scenes with powerful gang leaders. While the government has boasted that violent crime has fallen to record lows and the gangs have been smashed, it has continuously renewed the exceptional powers under the state of emergency, which dissidents say are being used to target and harass human rights advocates and critics of the government. In April 2023, the investigative news outlet El Faro also stated that it would relocate its administrative and legal operations outside the country over fears of legal harassment and surveillance, while its reporters would continue to work in El Salvador.