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I'm safe now but my family in Gaza are starving before my eyes

I'm safe now but my family in Gaza are starving before my eyes

Times26-07-2025
For a moment, I could not recognise her. The video call had finally gone through after days of failed attempts. The connection crackled, the image was grainy, but then her face appeared and I froze. It took me a few seconds to realise it was my mother.
Her face had changed. The woman I knew — strong, warm, composed — now looked frail and unfamiliar, her skin pale, her eyes sunken. Her voice, once clear and confident, had become raspy and strained.
'Look at my wrinkles,' she said, forcing a smile and pulling at the skin on her cheeks. 'I've grown old in this war.' I tried to keep the tone light. 'You're still the most beautiful woman I know,' I said. 'What's your skincare secret?' She replied: 'We haven't had proper food in days.'
My parents are among many from the town of Khan Yunis in central Gaza who fled west to al-Mawasi — a narrow, overcrowded strip of land by the sea that Israel declared a 'safe zone', though it offers neither safety nor food.
Like everyone else here, they live in a tent, surviving on lentils and rice, if they're lucky. Sometimes they grind lentils into bread.
These are not poor people. My mother was a director at the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) Gaza Training Centre. My father worked in public relations at the University of Palestine. Today, they boil water and throw in whatever food they can find to keep hunger at bay.
My younger brother Mohammed, 18, should be in his second year of university. Instead, he often queues for hours in the hope of getting a bag of flour. I worry every time he leaves home not just because of airstrikes: stories abound of young men being stabbed to death and robbed of their flour or trampled in the chaos of the food lines.
This is the worst phase of the war. Not only because the bombings have not stopped — the air rumbles almost constantly with Israel's airstrikes — but because people are also dying slowly. Starvation doesn't scream like missiles. It doesn't flash across headlines. It kills quietly.
In December, I was forced to flee our home in Khan Yunis with my husband and our two children, Maryam, seven, and Wajih, six. I didn't want to leave. I told the children again and again: 'We'll come back soon.' But we never have.
Before that, our home had already become a shelter. My parents, siblings and their children had all taken refuge in our building. My husband's family lived on the first floor. We were upstairs. We sheltered about 100 people in that home.
When the strikes intensified in December 2023, my family moved to the Khan Yunis Training Centre, where we were crammed into a single room. I took our children to Rafah, where we ended up living in a basement with 17 others. There was no running water or toilets, let alone electricity.
Then, in January, an Israeli airstrike hit an apartment next to us in Tel al-Sultan, a neighbourhood we thought was safe. Eleven people were killed, most of them children. That night, I fled again with my children, this time to my sister's home in east Rafah.
Even that area was marked in red on Israeli digital maps, meaning it could be targeted. But we had no choice. Eventually, The Times helped to arrange an evacuation for myself and the children. My husband had to stay behind.
Friday, July 25, was our wedding anniversary — the second we have spent apart. I wish more than anything that he could be with us.
After seven long months in Egypt, I received a Safe Haven fellowship from the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences, allowing me to continue my work as a journalist in safety in Amsterdam. Here I have shelter, warmth and food — unlike my family.
Communicating with them when they live in a land without electricity can be complicated. Some people in Gaza with access to solar panels charge a fee for an internet password and signal strong enough to allow video calls. My husband is working as a journalist for NBC and living in Khan Yunis.
He tells me that hunger has changed how people look at each other. 'We stare longer,' he said. 'Sometimes we don't recognise faces we once knew. War and hunger have reshaped them.'
My mother, for her part, tells me that she recently went to the market hoping to find something to cook. She came back with one courgette — just one — for 40 shekels (£9). It had to feed ten people.
She told me how she tried to stretch a kilo of flour into enough dough, how she spent hours trying to find something to use as fuel — bits of wood, cardboard, anything that would catch fire, how she eventually managed to bake 12 loaves — one for each person.
My aunt fainted from hunger one day and had to be taken to hospital and fed on a glucose drip. My diabetic uncle, who needs a strict diet, is now at constant risk.
My sister, Riham, also lives in a tent with her husband and children in al-Mawasi after being displaced four times.
Her husband spends his days waiting near the main road where aid trucks might pass. After waiting every day for hours, he came back with a 25-kilo bag of flour on Wednesday night.
Riham sent me a joyful message — not just because they finally had food, but because her husband had returned alive. Their children greeted him as if he had brought home a rare treasure. The family stayed up baking late that night outside their tent. Riham sent me a photo of Baraa, her ten-year-old son, carefully watching the flames as he flipped dough on a blackened metal tray balanced over bricks. With no oven or gas, people rely on open fires like this built from scraps of debris and wood.
Baraa helps to make bread after his father managed to get a bag of flour
'But many nights, all I can give them is soup,' said Riham. 'They fall asleep hungry and wake up the same.'
Even those who still have money, like my husband, cannot find anything to buy. 'We eat olive oil with dry bread,' he said. But even if you can afford the food when it exists it doesn't mean you can get it.
There's a severe cash crisis, too. Many shops and vendors no longer accept banknotes because they are worn out and torn. Israel hasn't allowed any new currency into Gaza since the war began, so most of the remaining bills are damaged beyond use.
This has given rise to a new job in Gaza: banknote repairers. They charge a fee to 'laminate' old banknotes, which is meant to keep them usable. Cash machines have long since ceased functioning. So 'cash brokers' are charging huge commissions to help people access their own money in banks. My mother recently paid them 1,000 shekels (£220) via a banking app. She was given only 600 shekels (£130) in cash.
People have turned to bartering. Several of my friends now use Facebook groups to exchange basic goods — a bag of lentils for a bag of rice, or sugar for flour. A can of fava beans costs 25 shekels (£5.50). A kilo of lentils is 60 (£13). Tomatoes and cucumbers go for 100 shekels (£20) per kilo if they can be found at all, onions for 120 (£26.50).
As for flour, it is gold: 'Before the war, a kilo of flour cost no more than three shekels (65p),' said my sister. 'Now a 25-kilo sack costs up to 2,000 shekels (£440) if you can find it.'
I now live in the Netherlands, far from Gaza. But the hunger is never far. It's in my phone calls, in the words I hear every day: 'We're hungry … there is no food … we are waiting to die.'
ABED RAHIM KHATIB/ANADOLU/GETTY IMAGES
Since I left, I've learnt how heavy a full plate can feel. I look at food and see faces: my husband, my mother's, my father's, those of my nieces and nephews. I eat only once a day, not because I'm fasting, but because I can't bear to eat when they have nothing.
And beyond the hunger, there's the fear. My husband is still there, still documenting, still surviving. He's come close to death more times than I can count. Our days revolve around short messages, unstable signals and constant dread.
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Hanin Al-Batsh estimates she has signed up for more than 80 Bluesky accounts in the last six months. Like hundreds of other Palestinians struggling to buy or even find food in Gaza, Al-Batsh uses Bluesky to promote her crowdfunding campaigns, hoping to raise enough money for flour and milk for her children in a given week. Her posts on the text-based social network have grown increasingly desperate as Israel tightens its grip of the Gaza Strip, forcing millions into starvation. 'Hello friends, my children have become weak, have lost weight, are malnourished, and have very low iron levels,' Al-Batsh's latest post reads. Images the young mother shared with the Guardian show her two sons, one-and-a-half-year-old Ahmed and three-year-old Adam, sprawled out on a makeshift bed on the floor of the warehouse where they are sheltering. As hunger is spreading rapidly through Gaza, and aid remains inaccessible to many, Palestinians are turning to crowdsourcing campaigns hosted on sites like GoFundMe and Chuffled as a lifeline. But as they seek to get the word about their campaigns out in the world via social media, their accounts are frequently shut down or marked as spam. That's especially the case on Bluesky, the young Twitter alternative popular in Gaza. Bluesky has deactivated nearly all of Al-Batsh's accounts after just a few days, she said. The longest she has been able to hold on to one is 12 days. When the social network marks one account as spam, she creates another one, hoping to reassure potential donors that she is not a bot. The shutdowns, therefore, ironically force her to resort to exactly the behavior that Bluesky, in its effort to combat bots and scams, is seeking to root out: batch following and then repeatedly tagging the same people who engaged with their previous accounts. 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Some are even run by entire teams of volunteers: there's GazaFunds and Radio Watermelon on X and Instagram, and Gaza Vetters on Tumblr. Still, Shah said, she wished there was a better system in place. 'This centers me too much,' she said. Shah has been on Bluesky since the early days of the relatively young platform's life, when she had only about 7,000 followers and knew of only one person from Gaza with a Bluesky account, Jamal. That's how her verification project started: she had encouraged Jamal, a friend of a friend, to open a Bluesky account and shared his posts on her own profile, hoping to bring attention to his crowdfunding campaign in 2023. It worked. Jamal raised enough money to leave Gaza. Shah's verification project snowballed as more people in Gaza joined the social network. Many reached out to her, hoping she'd share their campaigns with her now 57,000 followers. She began asking for information about the individuals or families in the campaigns before sharing them, and that's how her guerrilla authentication network got its start. Today, Shah has a spreadsheet of more than 300 accounts she's vetted and verified. They use the same badge of authentication as Al-Batsh, 'verified by Molly Shah', in their posts and profile pages. The stamp doesn't always prevent a Bluesky account from being flagged as spam by the company's systems, but her hope is that it will help other people on Bluesky confirm that the person behind the account is genuine. 'The verification seems to help people recognize that they're real people,' Shah said. 'I just want people to get to know Palestinians. To me, I don't think of it as fundraising as the main goal, though I'm happy to help them do that. I think of it as [combatting] the persistent and insistent dehumanization of Palestinians.' The vetting process isn't standard, Shah said, and can include doing a video call, having someone Shah has already vetted or knows personally to vouch or viewing documentation that proves their identity and shows that they're still in Gaza. All of this takes time. Al-Batsh said she waited two months before she heard back from Shah. Occasionally, Shah will come across a person pretending to be in Gaza or misrepresenting their situation in other ways. For the most part, the people who reach out to her are in fact real people in Gaza in need of help. Gaza has reached catastrophic levels of famine, according to aid and human rights organizations, which raises the stakes of each fundraising campaign and even each post on Bluesky. Duaa Al-Madhoun, another mother in Gaza trying to feed her three children, said she, too, has had dozens of her Bluesky accounts deleted. Buying flour, milk and diapers cost her $100 a day when those items are available. Lately, diapers and milk have been harder to find, she said, and she'll go some days without eating so that she can feed her children. 'My child wears nylon bags, no diapers. He suffers from diaper rash,' Al-Madhoun said. 'Food is scarce and very expensive. If food is available, I just eat some rice.' Sign up to TechScape A weekly dive in to how technology is shaping our lives after newsletter promotion The impact of a fundraiser can be near immediate, according to Nat Calhoun, who aids several families in Gaza with their campaigns. In one case, Calhoun said, a family they are in touch with in Mawasi, Khan Younis, reached out to them about an older woman in their town who had not eaten for several days. They were able to raise $110 to buy her flour and transferred the money to her the next day. 'It can be instantaneous,' Calhoun said. 'I don't think people realize that your help can make an impact in a day.' To receive the money collected through fundraisers, Palestinians need to work with a 'receiver', someone outside of Gaza who sets up the campaign and collects the money on their behalf and wires the money through their banks. That's because the platforms use payment processors that do not operate in Gaza. The system has meant that Palestinians have been required to place a great deal of trust in these middle actors, who are people they've never met. It also means the campaigns, and the Palestinians relying on them, are vulnerable to scams. Calhoun and Shah say many of the scams they do see exploit and victimize Palestinians. Al-Batsh's first campaign was hosted on GoFundMe by a woman who listed her location as Tucson, Arizona. The campaign raised nearly $37,000. Al-Batsh received about $34,000 before the campaign host told Al-Batsh that she had trouble logging into the campaign. 'I never received the rest of the money,' Al-Batsh said. 'It breaks my brain to think about,' Calhoun said. 'It's frustrating because the people in Gaza can't make their own fundraisers. They're at the whims of somebody else and they have to trust somebody to do good by them.' A spam label on Bluesky is enough to deter donations. Ad hoc verification systems like Shah's provide some level of guarantee that the money people are donating will actually help someone in Gaza rather than a bot farm or scammer. When Shah shares a campaign, it makes a difference. Al-Batsh's campaign has received 10 donations ranging from $5 to $505 in the two days since Shah shared her post. Before that, she was averaging two to three donations a day, if that. Though her verification network has helped some Palestinians maintain their online lifelines, Shah says it's not a sustainable system. She is overwhelmed with requests and had to decide to share only one account a day. In the meantime, thousands of Bluesky users have signed open letters and made public pleas asking the company to improve its moderation practices. 'We understand that some Gazans post in a way that may trigger some of Bluesky's internal automated spam rules when posting fundraising links,' one of the open letters, with 7,000 signatures, reads. 'However, treating a group of extremely vulnerable people the same way that the platform treats t-shirt bots and phishers is not only incredibly cruel, it has also exacerbated the situation of desperate people just attempting to survive.' Bluesky said in response to the open letter that the company was 'committed to ensuring' people in Gaza 'can be heard' on the platform. However, it continued, some of the behaviors of these accounts violated community guidelines, and it encouraged users to 'focus their efforts through authentic accounts'. Bluesky did not respond to a request for comment. 'We can't get every moderation decision right, which is why we maintain an appeals process,' the post continued. Shah and others connected with people in Gaza say few people get a response from the company when they file an appeal. It remains difficult for Palestinians to maintain their accounts for more than a few days. Bluesky had an opportunity to improve its moderation system in the early days of the war in Gaza, when there were fewer people on the platform, Shah said. She wishes they had taken it. 'It sounds like Bluesky is saying: 'We're getting rid of spammers,' but really what they're getting rid of are people who are desperate,' she said.

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