Protesters demand debt cancellation, climate action ahead of UN summit
Activists marched in blistering heat through southern Spain's Seville on Sunday, calling for debt cancellation, climate justice and taxing the super rich on the eve of a UN summit on financing development that critics said lacks ambition and scope.
The four-day meeting which is held once every decade promises to take on poverty, disease and climate change by mapping out the global framework for development. However, the decision by the US to pull out and wealthy countries' shrinking appetite for foreign aid have dampened hopes the summit will bring about significant change.
Greenpeace members carried a float depicting billionaire Elon Musk as a baby wielding a chainsaw seated on top a terrestrial globe. Others held up banners reading 'Make Human Rights Great Again', 'Tax justice now' and 'Make polluters pay'.
Beauty Narteh of Ghana's Anti-Corruption Coalition said her group wanted a fairer tax system and 'dignity, not handouts'.
Sokhna Ndiaye, of the Africa Development Interchange Network, called on the public and private sectors to be 'less selfish and show more solidarity' with developing countries.
Hours earlier, however, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez said 'the fact this conference is happening while conflict is raging across the globe is a reason to be hopeful'.
Speaking at an event by nonprofit Global Citizen, Sanchez reiterated Madrid's commitment to reach 0.7% of GDP in development aid and urged other countries to do the same.
Jason Braganza, executive director of the pan-African advocacy group Afrodad, who took part in the year-long negotiation on the conference's final outcome document, said countries including the US, the EU and Britain had obstructed efforts to organise a UN convention on sovereign debt.
'It's a shame the countries have opted to protect their own interests and those of creditors over lives that are being lost,' he said.
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Daily Maverick
an hour ago
- Daily Maverick
South Africa's environment minister elevates Antarctica as a ‘national priority'
Dion George says he is taking a big, bold step — putting the wild, frigid seventh continent at the heart of the country's agenda: 'It would be extremely short-sighted if we did not pay attention to it.' South Africa has maintained a presence on Earth's southern frontier since becoming the second country to ratify the Antarctic Treaty — symbolically, it did so during the 1960 winter solstice. This year, the country celebrates seven decades since the South African meteorologist Hannes la Grange became the first African to set a snow boot on Antarctic ice as part of the seminal Commonwealth Trans-Antarctic Expedition. In 2028, another date beckons: Seventy years since South Africa, through La Grange, reached the South Pole. Political leadership has rarely afforded the region more than nominal attention. That will change under his tenure, says Minister Dion George of the Department of Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment. 'I am the head of the South African National Antarctic Programme,' George told Daily Maverick on a ministerial demonstration cruise aboard the SA Agulhas II from Durban to Cape Town in May. That is a statement no previous DFFE minister has made. 'I set the tone, I set the direction, I lead the charge,' he says. Antarctica has been promoted to one of three special projects within his office, alongside carbon credits and anti-poaching. '[Antarctica] has fallen a bit behind, so I thought we need to speed up there,' he says. 'It would be extremely, extremely short-sighted of South Africa if we did not pay attention to it.' Pretoria's envoy scoops leadership role at treaty talks In recent years, South Africa's Antarctic diplomatic performance has lacked imagination and leadership. The Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meeting (ATCM) typically receives hundreds of discussion papers submitted by the 29 consultative (decision-making) states, which are tasked with governing Antarctica for peaceful activities like tourism and science. Under George's predecessor, Barbara Creecy, the taxpayer-funded South African delegation submitted no independent discussion papers to the 2023 ATCM in Helsinki, Finland, or the 2024 ATCM in Kochi, India. George received the baton in June 2024 and acknowledges these failures but promises change at the ATCM now underway in Milan, Italy. The South African delegation already seems to have done something right at the 10-day meeting which ends Thursday, 3 July. Last week, Romi Brammer, a legal adviser in the Department of International Relations and Cooperation, was elected to chair the ATCM's legal negotiations. The treaty is a benchmark diplomatic and scientific achievement. But this year, the ATCM faces an anniversary it is not likely to mark too publicly: 20 years since adopting an annex to assign responsibility for environmental disasters, which has yet to enter into force. It is now up to the likes of Brammer to negotiate progress on this matter and others retarded by the glacially turning wheels of Antarctic consensus (everyone must agree before anything becomes policy). Quick! The office is melting The DFFE and Birdlife South Africa have spent several years raising funds to tackle what they bill as history's largest mouse-eradication effort on any island — they need to raise at least $30-million to save Marion's albatrosses and other seabirds from all being eaten alive by the invasive rodents. Donors include South African billionaire Mark Shuttleworth, but anyone can still pitch in. 'Climate change is a sensitive biosecurity issue,' says George, citing deadly avian flu and mouse infestations at Marion Island, South Africa's sub-Antarctic research station, as bellwethers. Scientists told Daily Maverick that George and his staff had to streamline fragmented Antarctic management across several government departments — a project that Ashley Johnson, South Africa's lead negotiator in Milan, says he has taken on. And then there are the infrastructure humdingers uncovered by Daily Maverick in April, such as Marion's failed generators, which have since been replaced. Antarctica is, basically, a giant melting office. For that reason, George says the fleet of polar tracked vehicles must be replaced and supported by up-to-date scanning technology to avoid 'a whole piece of ice that's going to collapse underneath you'. But wait — how about the eructing elephant seal in the room? South Africa may want multilateral cooperation in Antarctica — but not everyone seems to be playing nice. Russia has been looking for oil and gas at least since the Antarctic mining ban entered into force in 1998 — and it uses Cape Town for logistics. In February 2020, for instance, it issued a bombshell statement from Table Bay harbour saying that it had found '70 billion tons' of Southern Ocean fossil fuels — enough to power the planet for 15 years. Russia calls it 'science'. Some experts call it 'prospecting'. And London might call it shopping. A recent Westminster inquiry, which released its findings in June, stopped just short of dropping the P-word, but politely raised an eyebrow: Moscow's surveys 'cast doubt on compliance with the Protocol's prohibition and risk undermining its authority', the findings say. 'You're not supposed to go and mine in Antarctica — so why are you looking for oil and gas?' George volunteered. 'When it's cold and you can't go there, it's very easy to say, 'Oh no, we're not going to mine, we're not going to do anything there; we're just going to leave it alone.' 'But when it becomes a commodity, when it becomes a valuable piece of land, for example, the behaviour may well start to change.' At the Copenhagen-hosted ministerial climate meeting in May, George held discussions with Greenland and was struck by the changes in polar currents and ice caps. The more they melt, the more accessible they become. 'Maybe there will be a mad scramble for Antarctica,' he says, 'but I think there has to be some kind of order. You can't just have absolute chaos … Antarctica is a rich asset. The agreement must hold — that we all agree you don't go mining; the region must remain a non-militarised zone, even when it is accessible.' What does South Africa actually stand for? Even cautious commentators have started to fear that the US under Donald Trump may withdraw from the treaty to claim and mine Antarctica. Russia, like the US, has historically maintained a basis to claim parts or all of Antarctica. They cannot do so as long as the treaty lasts (or if they remain signatories). In the period between the world wars, the Union of South Africa did attempt to make some sort of half-hearted claim but botched it in a diplomatic comedy of errors. However, South Africa's 2021 Antarctic strategy rejects the idea of territorial claims — a marked contrast to seven of the treaty's 12 consultative founding parties. Argentina, Australia, Chile, France, New Zealand, Norway and the UK have staked vast territorial claims that are frozen by the treaty and that most of the world does not recognise. 'We did not make a claim because we don't believe you can,' George says. 'That's the position we take… 'South Africa's position is that we're non-aligned,' he says. 'We have South African interests that we must look after — and we don't get told who we befriend. We're friends with everyone.' This balancing act between BRICS states and the West is what gives South Africa its moral authority in Antarctic diplomacy, he argues. 'When I became a new minister and travelled a lot for the climate, every single country we came across wanted to have a bilateral. The reason is that the voice of South Africa matters… 'When you're looking for the voice of reason, often it's us.' That may be so, but George's Democratic Alliance opposition party is on record as vocally condemning Russia's full-scale illegal invasion of Ukraine as well as ' Russian energy prospecting in Antarctica '. Now it is walking a tightrope of tenuous moral ambiguity in a coalition government that has taken Israel to court over atrocities in Gaza, but has hardly squared up to Moscow in a similar fashion. Still, President Cyril Ramaphosa received President Volodymyr Zelensky in April. Both the Russian and Ukrainian fleets use Cape Town as their logistical transit to Antarctica. In George's view, a collaborative ethos defines the Antarctic community. 'It's harsh, it is cold — and if somebody got into difficulty, of course we're going to help.' George says he has also opened diplomatic conversations with China about establishing a marine protected area to the north of South Africa's East Antarctic base — an initiative that has stalled for years due to Beijing and Moscow's opposition. 'I have disagreed with China on a number of things,' he reveals. 'We want the marine reserve. We know what we want and we are clear.' George's Antarctic coup While Pretoria has maintained an unbroken commitment to its treaty obligations throughout the country's political turmoil, its focus has been operational rather than diplomatic. If George actually succeeds in shaping a revitalised Antarctic policy — one that reflects both science and statecraft — South Africa may finally claim a seat as a leading voice for the Global South on the coldest continent. 'Antarctica was not on the radar when I stepped into the department. It is now,' says the minister, who inserted Antarctica into the 2024-29 national medium-term development plan during a Cabinet lekgotla in January. Because we are jaded journalists, we asked his department for proof. Scrutinising the document sent to us, we found George's coup: there, on page 138, sandwiched between sections called 'Increased feelings of safety of women and children in communities' and 'secured cyber space', we spotted the actual frozen continent. Together with wildlife trafficking, George had struck a coup for a place that, to many, seems very far from the national agenda. Here, he had managed to nudge 'strengthened protection and sustainable management of Antarctica' as a priority into the section dedicated to 'effective border security'. In a country of immense social need, South Africa's Antarctic investments may be questioned by some, says George. 'They say, 'Let's rather spend the money on something else. In my opinion, it makes no sense to do that.' 'We are the only African country in Antarctica,' he says. As geopolitical posturing rises, South Africa has to be ready, he adds — singling out China's plans to build a sixth station, as well as Iran, which last year suggested a desire to join the treaty. 'If you drew the line down from Iran, you would actually bump into Antarctica. There's nothing in between. 'Yup,' he smiles. 'I read up about that.' George had planned to travel to Sanae IV earlier this year, but scheduling conflicts intervened. 'I do intend to do that as soon as the weather permits.' DM
Daily Maverick
10 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Does SADC's post-conflict peace plan marginalise transitional justice?
Without several amendments to its draft framework the Southern African Development Community will struggle to help member states address their abusive pasts. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has embarked on a commendable and much-needed peacebuilding initiative to help prevent the recurrence of violence and authoritarian backsliding in the region. Countries in southern Africa are marked by prolonged colonial and postcolonial violence, repressive regimes and entrenched inequalities, and need coherent policies to guide them towards justice, reconciliation and sustainable peace. Member states recently met in Johannesburg to discuss a draft framework that facilitates the design and implementation of post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD) and transitional justice initiatives. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads SADC lags behind its counterparts, such as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, in developing a PCRD framework. But this initiative positions it as the first regional body in Africa to formally circulate a draft transitional justice policy for member states to consider. Instead of developing two distinct frameworks, the SADC opted to integrate PCRD and transitional justice into one cohesive document. For this approach to work, both domains need adequate attention, but the current draft disproportionately favours PCRD at the expense of transitional justice. While PCRD and transitional justice share overlapping concerns and can be complementary, they have distinct mandates, methodologies and normative foundations. PCRD typically emphasises infrastructure development, state capacity building and institutional reform, whereas transitional justice focuses on redress, accountability and societal healing. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads The draft also lacks reference to contemporary and regionally relevant developments in the transitional justice field. It draws on the 2004 United Nations definition of transitional justice, thereby overlooking the African Union Transitional Justice Policy, adopted in 2019 by all AU member states, including those in the SADC. The AU policy is grounded in African norms, values and approaches – including traditional justice systems – and offers a regionally relevant and contextually appropriate framework. By failing to reference the policy and incorporate its definition, the SADC's draft does not reflect member states' sociopolitical and cultural contexts. Also, the draft's narrow conceptualisation of transitional justice limits its application to post-conflict contexts, overlooking the legacies of authoritarianism. Numerous southern African states have faced governance-related abuses long after active conflict has ended, including systemic corruption, enforced disappearances and the suppression of dissent. Transitional justice mechanisms must address post-conflict and post-authoritarian contexts, since both generate serious human rights violations that require recognition and redress. Another notable omission is mental health and psychosocial support. Although such support is not explicit in the AU policy, it has become essential to contemporary transitional justice and peacebuilding efforts. Survivors of violence often carry hidden scars – trauma, stigma and social dislocation – that traditional transitional justice pillars alone cannot heal. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads Experts and practitioners increasingly advocate for mainstreaming mental health support across all transitional justice pillars, while some suggest treating it as a distinct element altogether. A credible transitional justice framework must incorporate such support, not only to promote individual recovery, but to enhance societal cohesion and resilience. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads Moreover, the SADC draft does not adequately anticipate the implications of emerging threats – particularly climate change and environmental degradation – on peace and justice in the region. Given the SADC's reliance on natural resources and agriculture, the connections between ecological stress, conflict and transitional justice must be articulated. Many human rights violations in the region have a cross-border dimension, rendering a purely national approach inadequate. Conflicts and repression, for example in Cabo Delgado in Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Congo, often involve more than one state, spilling across borders due to porous boundaries and shared ethnic or political identities. The framework should provide a basis for cross-border investigations, transnational reparation schemes and regional truth commissions. Regional organisations are well positioned to support and sustain such initiatives. Furthermore, transitional justice within the SADC must address not only civil and political rights violations, but also violations of economic and social rights – an area where the AU policy remains comparatively underdeveloped. Land dispossession, extractive exploitation, systemic corruption, state capture and poverty should be viewed not merely as development issues, but also as matters of justice. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads This has been acknowledged to varying degrees by transitional justice processes in Sierra Leone, Chad, Ethiopia and Liberia, and in cases before the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights. A comprehensive framework shouldn't consider transitional justice in isolation. Recent experiences highlight the need for complementarity with other peacebuilding mechanisms such as peace processes, PCRD, national dialogues and disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration programmes. The SADC framework should guide countries on coordinating and sequencing these processes. Furthermore, the final framework must go beyond articulating principles to providing actionable guidance for member states. This includes strategies for contextualising transitional justice at the national level, building institutional capacity to engage with communities, and promoting decentralised implementation. Transitional justice must be pursued through both top-down and bottom-up approaches. The SADC framework should actively promote inclusive, participatory and decentralised mechanisms that engage communities, civil society organisations and local institutions alongside government actors. Equally important is the question of monitoring and oversight. The SADC may consider the AU policy, which empowers the AU Commission to monitor national transitional justice initiatives. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads Parallel mechanisms could enable the SADC Secretariat to support and guide member states. Enhanced collaboration with the AU Commission in Addis Ababa would ensure regional coherence and technical rigour during implementation. Ultimately, the SADC region needs a transitional justice policy that is not only aligned with AU instruments and informed by regional and international best practices, but also reflects consultations with stakeholders, civil society and communities. Whether developed as part of the current integrated draft or through a standalone transitional justice framework, the core elements, principles, cross-cutting issues and benchmarks must be identified and agreed on. Without these revisions, the SADC risks falling short of its potential to support member states in confronting their authoritarian and violent pasts and in laying the foundations for justice, reconciliation and peace. DM John G Ikubaje, head, Transitional Justice Unit, Political Affairs, Peace and Security Department, AU Commission; and Tadesse Simie Metekia, senior researcher, Special Projects, Institute for Security Studies (ISS) Addis Ababa. First published by ISS Today.
TimesLIVE
10 hours ago
- TimesLIVE
Rethinking resilience
Resilience is no longer about having a backup plan. It means being able to adapt – faster than the market shifts, the threats evolve, or the next compliance requirement lands on your desk. In this issue of Digital Business, we explore how South African businesses are rethinking resilience in a landscape that's as complex as it is fast-moving. Cloud adoption is no longer novel; it's foundational. But cost pressures, skills shortages, and fragmented architectures are pushing CIOs to do more with less – while still promising scalability, security, and service continuity. AI adds a new layer of pressure. It's helping teams automate threat detection and close talent gaps. But it's also arming attackers with better tools, faster tactics, and increasingly sophisticated deepfakes. In this environment, relying on outdated systems or legacy playbooks isn't just risky – it's negligent. What's becoming clearer is this: the tech alone isn't enough. The real competitive edge lies in people – whether that means security teams being upskilled through local bootcamps, business leaders embracing cloud strategy as a boardroom priority, or organisations maturing their operations to unlock long-term value. You'll find stories in this issue that span deep technical insight, human-centred innovation, and forward-looking strategy. From the economics of cloud optimisation to the ethics of AI in an African context, these are the conversations shaping digital business – not just in 2025, but from here on out. We hope it helps you see not just where the future's going – but how to meet it on your own terms. Brendon Petersen. Editor
