Indias AMCA: Can Private Players Deliver A True Swadeshi 5th-Gen Stealth Fighter? Time For India To Take Kaveri Challenge
India's AMCA Project: India, one of the world's largest arms importers, has been a target of defence firms from across the world, be it the United States, France and Russia. While the US wants to sell its F-35 jet to India, Russia wants it to be Su-57. India has already inked deals with France for the Rafale fighter jets. As China has expedited the supply of 5th-generation jets to Pakistan at discounted prices, India has decided to walk the path it left in the lurch years ago.
In a significant push towards enhancing India's indigenous defence capabilities and fostering a robust domestic aerospace industrial ecosystem, India approved the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) Programme Execution Model, its bid to develop fifth-generation fighter jets indigenously. The Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA) is set to execute the programme through Industry partnership.
"The Execution Model approach provides equal opportunities to both private and public sectors on a competitive basis. They can bid either independently or as a joint venture or as consortia. The entity/bidder should be an Indian company compliant with the laws and regulations of the country," said the Defence Ministry.
Why Indigenous Stealth?
The indigenous quest is also important because some recent reports claimed that French firm Rafale is not willing to share critical tech information - Source Code - with India necessary for the integration of the air defence systems and other weapons with the Rafale aircraft. This will pose a significant challenge for the Indian Armed Forces in times of conflict. Thus, a fully homegrown aircraft will eliminate this significant challenge.
Notably, India's Tejas Light Combat Aircraft Mk 1A program has faced significant challenges due to a delay in delivery of the F404-IN20 engines by General Electric (GE) Aerospace, an American firm. The delay in supply of the engine led to delayed delivery of the 83 LCA-Mk1A jets to the Indian Air Force. While the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) makes the Tejas, it's dependent on the GE for the engine, as India doesn't make one.
With neighbouring China already flying its J-20 and working on the next-gen J-31, and Pakistan exploring FC-31 acquisition, India needs AMCA sooner rather than later. Any significant delay could leave a capability gap in the 2030s when older aircraft like Mirage-2000, MiG-29, and Jaguars retire.
The Engine Challenge: Achilles' Heel
India does not yet have a proven indigenous engine powerful enough for fifth-gen fighter jets. Developing a reliable, high-thrust turbofan engine comparable with global standards like the F119 in the F-22 or AL-41F1 in the Su-57 involves cutting-edge materials, thermal management, and precision manufacturing. India may need to partner with foreign engine makers like Safran (France) or Rolls-Royce (UK), which could compromise full self-reliance initially to get the job done in India.
India's Kaveri Quest
A campaign has been gaining momentum on social media over the past 48 hours regarding the Kaveri engine. The question is—why has this campaign become necessary? The Kaveri engine has the potential to make India self-reliant in the field of defense aviation. The Kaveri project was launched in 1982 with the goal of developing an indigenous fighter jet engine for India. The project was a collaboration between the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and the Gas Turbine Research Establishment (GTRE). However, due to a lack of advanced technology and international sanctions that restricted the supply of essential components, the project has yet to be completed.
Many believe that if the Kaveri engine project receives renewed funding and support, it could still succeed. Developing a homegrown jet engine would not only accelerate the upgrade of aircraft like the Tejas but also pave the way for India to independently design and produce fifth-generation fighter jets. In essence, a successful Kaveri engine would eliminate India's dependence on countries like the United States, Russia, or France for combat aircraft engines.
#DNAWithRahulSinha | 'कावेरी इंजन' क्या, देश के लिए जरूरी क्यों? वो इंजन जो भारत को सुपरपावर बना देगा..#DNA #KaveriEngine | @RahulSinhaTV pic.twitter.com/UNJqZrGHwC — Zee News (@ZeeNews) May 28, 2025
India's Bid For Elite Club Entry
Still, optimism is airborne. With the ADA at the helm and a reinvigorated private sector ready to engage, the AMCA programme could very well mark India's breakout moment. If successful, the fighter will not only bolster the Indian Air Force's combat capabilities but also place India in an elite club of nations capable of building fifth-generation stealth jets—no small feat for a country where red tape has often proved more durable than titanium.
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Hindustan Times
2 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
US visa officer in Hyderabad tests student with technical questions: ‘I was surprised by the level'
An Indian student hoping to study data science in the United States had his hopes dashed after his F-1 visa application was rejected. The student took to Reddit to share his experience of being interviewed at the US Consulate in Hyderabad - and his account of the experience included surprising details of the technical questions he was asked during the interview. The student claimed he was surprised when the US visa officer in Hyderabad asked him technical questions related to his field of study. He revealed that his F-1 visa interview took place on May 30 in a Reddit post titled 'Seeking guidance after technical interview'. Describing the visa officer as a 'white male' in his 30s, the student wrote: 'I'm sharing my experience to get your feedback on what might have gone wrong and how I can improve for the next attempt.' The interview started normally enough, with the visa officer asking the student if he was currently enrolled in any degree program. The student answered in the negative, having completed his undergraduate programme in April 2025. He was then asked what universities he had applied to and he answered, 'Indiana University Bloomington, University of Colorado Boulder, Northeastern University, Arizona State University, University of Florida, and University of Washington.' After these standard questions, the US visa officer asked the student some technical questions which left him surprised. Examples of these tech questions included 'What's the difference between Array and Linked List?' and 'What is Linear Regression?' The student was then asked to repeat the universities he had applied to and explain why he chose Indiana University Bloomington in particular. The student answered that Indiana University Bloomington offers 'specializations across different tracks like Applied Data Science, Computational DS, and Analytical DS.' The visa officer also asked him about the track he had chosen and why. After these questions, his F-1 visa was rejected under Section 214(b). An F-1 visa is a non-immigrant student visa for people who want to study in the United States. It is specifically issued to international students who are enrolled in a full-time academic programme in the US. An F-1 interview can last anywhere from 2 to 5 minutes or even longer. The questions are usually direct and simple, designed to gauge whether a candidate has finances to fund their education, ties to the home country etc. The inclusion of technical questions left this particular candidate surprised. 'I was surprised by the level of technical questions asked. I tried to stay calm and answer everything honestly, but I'm still not sure what went wrong—whether it was something in my answers, my university choices, or how I explained my project,' he wrote. Some people on Reddit said they had had similar experiences in recent visa interviews. Others were equally surprised. "Omg I didn't know they'd ask technical questions too!Hopefully it's not going to extra hard to explain if your graduate program is different from UG field," read a comment. 'Wait what? This has kind of got me fuzzled, I mean why would he ask such questions?' wrote one Reddit user. 'Counter 33, I was also asked almost 4 to 5 technical questions, then he approved it,' another person revealed. 'After the new visa slot pause, there has been a hike in technical questions asked, so anyone having an upcoming interview, do the basics right and be sure you know what you're saying as the counter questions will literally feel like arrows coming at you,' another Reddit user said.
Mint
2 hours ago
- Mint
How the Houthis rattled the US Navy—and transformed maritime war
The evening of May 6, an F/A-18 Super Hornet was coming in for a landing on the USS Harry S. Truman aircraft carrier in the Red Sea. An onboard mechanism to slow down the fighter jet failed, and the $67 million aircraft slid off the carrier's runway and into the water. It was the third fighter jet that the Truman had lost in less than five months, and came hours after President Trump surprised Pentagon officials with the announcement that the U.S. had reached a truce with the Houthis in Yemen. The Truman had arrived at the Red Sea in December 2024 to battle the Iran-aligned militants—joining a campaign filled with heavy exchanges and close calls that strained the U.S. Navy. Officials are now dissecting how a scrappy adversary was able to test the world's most capable surface fleet. The Houthis proved to be a surprisingly difficult foe, engaging the Navy in its fiercest battles since World War II despite fighting from primitive quarters and caves in one of the world's poorest countries. The Houthis benefited from the proliferation of cheap missile and drone technology from Iran. They fired antiship ballistic missiles, the first-ever combat use of the Cold War-era weapon, and they innovated how they deployed their weaponry. The latest technologies have transformed maritime warfare, much the way they have rewritten the script for land wars in Ukraine—forcing militaries to adapt in real time. The U.S. is developing fresh ways to intercept the newest drones and missiles but still relies largely on expensive defense systems. Some 30 vessels participated in combat operations in the Red Sea from late 2023 through this year, around 10% of the Navy's total commissioned fleet. In that time, the U.S. rained down at least $1.5 billion worth of munitions on the Houthis, a U.S. official said. The Navy was able to destroy much of the Houthis' arsenal—but it has yet to achieve the strategic goal of restoring shipping through the Red Sea, and the Houthis continue to regularly fire missiles at Israel. Military and congressional leaders who have begun scrutinizing the campaign for lessons worry about the strain of such grueling deployments on overall force readiness. The Pentagon is also investigating the lost planes and a separate at-sea collision—incidents that all involved the Truman strike group—with results expected in the coming months. Central Command—also known as Centcom, which oversees U.S. military operations in the Middle East—declined to comment on ongoing investigations or on the campaign's performance and impact. The effects of the deployment will be felt for years. It drew resources from efforts in Asia to deter China and pushed back maintenance schedules for carriers. That could create critical gaps in the second half of the decade, when the giant warships will have no choice but to dock for service. Despite the wear and tear, Navy officials said the fight with the Houthis offered invaluable combat experience, and the Red Sea conflict is viewed inside the Pentagon as a warm-up for a potential 'high-end" conflict with China. The Houthis have gained considerable power since the group—combatants in Yemen's long-running civil war—conquered much of the country a decade ago. They later fought off a campaign led by Gulf powers Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to roll them back. At the start of the war in Gaza, the Houthis, who chant 'death to America, death to Israel" and cast themselves as defenders of the Palestinians, began attacking Israeli cities as well as ships transiting the Red Sea. The USS Carney destroyer was in the Red Sea when the Houthis launched their first barrage of drones and missiles on Oct. 19, 2023, catching the sailors aboard off guard. By the end of the 10-hour engagement, the crew had endured the most intense combat a U.S. Navy warship had seen in the better part of a century, shooting down more than a dozen drones and four fast-flying cruise missiles. With the Houthis pledging to intensify attacks, U.S. military officials scrambled to solve a logistical problem: Destroyers like the Carney were out of the fight for as long as two weeks as they traveled to and from the Mediterranean to rearm, and nearby countries were wary of themselves becoming Houthi targets. The Pentagon eventually secured access to what one official called a 'game-changing" port in the Red Sea that allowed warships to reload without leaving the theater. In December of that year, Biden cobbled together a multinational coalition to protect one of the world's busiest shipping lanes and then launched a U.S.-led campaign of airstrikes. For much of the campaign, the Pentagon kept two carrier groups in the region, each comprising at least five ships and around 7,000 sailors. Throughout 2024, the Houthis launched dozens of attacks on commercial shipping, and the U.S. struck back in Yemen to prevent imminent attacks or degrade the militants' arsenal. In February, a British-owned bulk carrier was struck and later sank with its cargo of fertilizer. Three people were killed on board a Barbados-flagged ship after it was struck in March. Two more ships were abandoned in June after being struck by Houthi missiles. The pace of operations took a toll on sailors, who were constantly within range of the Houthis and needed to remain vigilant around the clock. The USS Dwight D. Eisenhower aircraft carrier made just one short port call during seven months of fighting. On a particularly busy day last November, Navy ships defeated at least eight one-way attack drones, five antiship ballistic missiles and four antiship cruise missiles launched by the Houthis, without incurring any injuries or damage. At a recent naval symposium, Vice Admiral Brad Cooper, the deputy commander of U.S. military command in the Middle East, described one night late last year on the USS Stockdale. As the destroyer sailed through a chokepoint in the southern Red Sea, the crew switched off the lights, charted a zigzag course and braced for attack. Just past midnight, the Houthis launched four ballistic missiles. The 509-foot destroyer accelerated and fired surface-to-air missiles in defense. One Houthi missile, traveling at nearly 4,000 miles an hour, was so close when it was intercepted that falling debris had to be shot down as well. Ten minutes later, the Houthis fired an antiship cruise missile, which was taken out by fighter jets from a nearby aircraft carrier. Jets downed another cruise missile and multiple drones loaded with explosives, while the carrier struck Houthi targets inside Yemen. Around 2 a.m., another Houthi drone was picked up flying low and slow directly at the Stockdale. The only option was to open fire with an automatic artillery gun mounted on the deck. When the drone dropped into the sea, the crew erupted in cheers and high-fives. The battlefield favored the militants. In the Red Sea's confined waters, barely 200 miles at the widest point, large ships have limited ability to maneuver and spend long periods in view of the coastline, where Houthi spotters can help target ships. Crews usually only picked up drone and missile launches a minute or two before impact and had to decide how to respond within about 15 seconds. They intercepted hundreds of attacks by the Houthis. 'You make it a sitting duck out there and within range of Houthi weapons," Bryan Clark, a former Navy strategist and senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, said of deploying a carrier to the area. The Navy is used to operating in a similar environment in the Persian Gulf, where the Iranians are at close range. But militias like the Houthis are harder to deter than a regular government—and such groups have become more dangerous with the proliferation of antiship ballistic missiles and attack drones. 'We used to be able to operate close to shore like this, because the expectation was that adversaries would not attack a carrier out of concern for the repercussions," Clark said. Sailors often had radar systems tuned to high sensitivity to give them time to intercept drones and missiles. Reviewing and refining radar settings to avoid picking up false positives while still spotting threats at a useful range was one of the most difficult tasks and a key source of stress for shipboard operators, according to an officer who spent six months in the Red Sea. The USS Truman's three lost fighter jets are now under investigation by the Pentagon. 'It's unprecedented," said a Navy official. 'Perhaps it's just pure coincidence or bad luck—or there are some underlying issues." Two Navy SEALs, or sea-air-land special-operations forces, were lost at sea early last year while boarding a boat at night that officials said was carrying ballistic and cruise missile components from Iran to Yemen. One of the SEALs fell into the water while trying to climb into the boat and the other one jumped in after him. The Navy searched for them for 10 days before declaring them dead. The fatalities occurred off the coast of Somalia in the Arabian Sea, hundreds of miles from Yemen's shores. 'Over the past year, the Navy has operated under intense and sustained combat conditions in the Red Sea—the most active maritime conflict zone in a generation," Rep. Ken Calvert (R., Calif.), who chairs the House appropriations subcommittee on defense, said at a hearing on May 14. 'But this persistent operational tempo comes at a cost. Ships and crews are being pushed hard, deployments are being extended, and readiness for other global contingencies is being strained." While the Houthis never successfully hit a U.S. vessel, they did get better at tracking moving targets. Early on, the Houthis would often fire one or two missiles and drones at a time at relatively high altitude, which the Navy was capable of intercepting, Navy officials said. Later, the militants launched attacks at night and sent projectiles skimming just above the waves, making them harder to trace. They also mixed up missile and drone strikes in changing patterns. The Houthis were also able to down more than a dozen U.S. Reaper drones, each worth around $30 million. When the Houthis began attacking Red Sea shipping in 2023, senior officials at Centcom wanted to act aggressively to degrade their capabilities, according to a U.S. official, but the Biden administration was wary of escalation. By the time strikes were approved, the Houthis had changed tactics or moved their assets, and U.S. officials often found their planning and intelligence outdated, the official said. After Trump took office, he gave Gen. Erik Kurilla, the head of Centcom, authority to approve strikes, enabling the U.S. to act more quickly on targeting intelligence for missile launchers and drones. Centcom declined to comment on presidential decisions. The U.S. poured resources into the effort in mid-March, launching an operation dubbed Rough Rider, including a second U.S. aircraft carrier, half a dozen B-2 bombers, a squadron of advanced F-35 fighters and a host of destroyers armed with guided missiles. An area hit by a U.S. airstrike in San'a, Yemen, in March. After 53 days of bombardment, the Houthis were battered but not broken. U.S. airstrikes killed hundreds of fighters, including several senior officials, and destroyed a critical fuel port and large stocks of weapons and war materiel. The Houthis failed to hit any U.S. ships. Hundreds of Yemeni civilian casualties were reported after the U.S. intensified strikes, according to the Yemen Data Project, an independent monitoring group. Centcom said it was conducting an inquiry into the claims of civilian casualties in Yemen. A week before the truce was announced, an officer familiar with Houthi operations expressed amazement at the militants' resolve and ability to adapt. 'Their missiles are getting more advanced, which is crazy," he said. 'So far the U.S. Navy is batting a thousand [on interceptions], and I expect that to continue, but for how long?" Ultimately, Trump settled for a cease-fire on the most basic terms: The Houthis would stop shooting at American ships, and the U.S. would pause its bombing. As the Truman transited the Suez Canal and steamed out of the Mediterranean, the Houthis kept lobbing ballistic missiles at Israel. Write to Stephen Kalin at and Shelby Holliday at
India.com
9 hours ago
- India.com
India Eyes Deadliest Missile Yet: Meet R-37M That Can Obliterate Pakistan's AWACS, F-16s Before They Even Fire
New Delhi: In the escalating arms race post-Operation Sindoor, India may be acquiring a game-changing weapon that could rewrite South Asia's air warfare equation. It is Russian R-37M missile, a long-range air-to-air beast so fast and deadly that even the United States and China are known to shudder at its capabilities. Russia is said to have offered India to supply the R-37M and license its production on Indian soil. If the deal goes through, the Indian Air Force (IAF) will gain a powerful edge over adversaries such as China and Pakistan in high-stakes aerial confrontations. The R-37M is considered to be a nightmare for Pakistan's F-16s and AWACS. It is not only a missile but also a jet killer. Built to destroy enemy aircraft from beyond visual range (BVR), it can take down Pakistan's prized F-16s and AWACS surveillance aircraft before they even detect an Indian fighter jet. With speeds of up to Mach 6, six times the speed of sound, the R-37M can strike targets more than 300 kilometers away. Its mid-flight target switch capability and active radar guidance system make it almost impossible to dodge, even for highly maneuverable jets. 'It's not a missile but an airborne predator. It allows India to destroy enemy aircraft without ever entering their strike zone. That flips the entire doctrine of air combat,' said a senior defense analyst. At present, the IAF deploys R-77 missiles on its Su-30MKI jets. But the R-37M could replace the R-77 entirely, offering a dramatic leap in range, speed and precision. Designed originally to target U.S. AWACS and refueling aircraft, the R-37M's induction into India's arsenal would render Pakistan's air surveillance systems deeply vulnerable. Russia is reportedly willing to share production technology, allowing India to manufacture the missile domestically – a huge win for India's 'Make in India' defense ambitions. Built for the kill, let's know the R-37M by the numbers: speed – Up to Mach 6 (7,400 km/h); range – estimated 300-400 km; weight – 510 kg, length – over four metres; warhead – 60 kg high-explosive; designation – NATO calls it the AA-13 Axehead; and targets – fighter jets, AWACS, drones and tanker aircraft. Unlike older systems, the R-37M does not need visual confirmation. It can lock onto targets far outside the enemy's radar or weapon range, hitting them from the safety of stand-off distances. For Indian pilots, this means striking first from far and never being seen. R-37M Can Strike Across LoC The Pakistan Air Force (PAF) is heavily reliant on U.S.-made F-16s, which are considered its crown jewel. But defense experts warn that with the R-37M in play, India could shoot them down from across the Line of Control (LoC) before they even know what hit them. 'The R-37M neutralises Pakistan's aerial advantage. If deployed, this missile makes any cross-border intrusion suicidal for enemy jets,' said a retired Air Marshal. As India's defense modernisation accelerates in the wake geopolitical tensions simmer, the R-37M could soon be a centerpiece of the country's air dominance strategy – one that might keep adversaries awake at night.
