
In ruby red southern Illinois, Democrat Sean Casten looks to win over rural voters
CARTERVILLE, Ill. — Southwest suburban Democratic U.S. Rep. Sean Casten acknowledged he wasn't sure what to expect when he accepted an invitation by the state's Democratic county chairs to host a town hall Sunday in the ruby red southern Illinois home of the state's most Republican congressional district.
In addition to speaking more than 300 miles from his Downers Grove home, the four-term lawmaker's trip to six-term Republican Rep. Mike Bost's 12th Congressional District also meant traversing the sharp cultural divide between a growing upstate Democratic suburban base and the rural religious fundamentalist conservatism that predominates within the 34-county district that makes up the southern third of Illinois.
Casten's trip, along with a visit a day earlier to Dixon, the boyhood home of the late President Ronald Reagan in the 16th Congressional District of GOP Rep. Darin LaHood, is in line with national Democratic efforts to host 'town halls' in Republican districts. Democrats are using them as a rallying point over the chaotic early months of Donald Trump's second presidency.
It's also poking at the advice that the head of the GOP's congressional campaign committee, North Carolina Rep. Richard Hudson, gave to his Republican colleagues that they stop holding in-person town hall meetings because of anti-Trump protesters.
But unlike higher-profile events featuring Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont and New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Casten's southern Illinois appearance was in rock-solid GOP territory, where Trump won 71% of the vote in November and where 70.5% of the district's voters backed Trump in 2020.
'When I see my Republican colleagues on the other side of the aisle ducking all of these events and saying one thing out of one side of their mouth and then voting the other way and then not having the courage to stand up, I sort of feel like, if you love democracy and if you stand up, your job is to make sure the voters are informed,' Casten said.
'I'm not going to run against Mike Bost,' he said of the GOP congressman who won 74% of the vote in November as the Trump-endorsed candidate. 'But I would like to believe that when people vote down there, when they engage, they are informed.'
But on Sunday, where Casten played host at a town hall before more than 120 people at John A. Logan College in Carterville, halfway between Marion and Carbondale, it was a question from a revered local Democrat — not a Republican — that brought to the fore the party's current internal strife.
'I represent 34 counties in this state, which is one-third of the entire state geographically,' said Glenn Poshard, who represents the 12th Congressional District on the Democratic Party's state central committee. Poshard, a former Southern Illinois University president, was a congressman for a decade before making an unsuccessful bid for Illinois governor in 1998.
'I'll tell you what I hear going around that district, which is predominantly rural. 'OK,' they tell me, 'What are you guys talking about? All we're hearing is cultural issues coming out of the Democratic Party,' Poshard said, citing the lack of child care, health care and grocery stores in rural areas.
'Why isn't the Democratic Party talking about those issues again, which we used to address? But now we've become so urban-centric that the Democratic Party has forgotten rural America?' he asked. 'Now, I'm just telling you what these folks are telling me. I know we haven't. But they know that Mike Bost is not going to speak to those issues. And, if we don't speak to them, who's going to solve these problems?'
'I don't know that I have a good answer, and maybe this is a longer conversation for you and I to have over a drink or two at some point,' Casten responded.
'If we are to be the United States of America, we have to be committed to the idea that we're all Americans,' he continued. 'I think all of us have to try to find a way to do that, especially in this Trump era when we're all tempted to say, 'I'm going to judge you based on the yard sign you had two months ago.''
The exchange between Poshard and Casten highlighted the decades-long cultural and ideological shift in southern Illinois, largely due to a loss of union coal mining and manufacturing jobs. During his time in Congress and as a leading Illinois Democrat, Poshard was a pro-union fiscal moderate and social conservative who opposed abortion, gay rights and gun control.
As Poshard bemoaned a lack of attention from Democratic presidential contenders to the region compared with Trump making several appearances here in his three White House runs, Casten sought to point to the political illogic of a candidate on a limited time schedule going to an area where there were few votes to be won.
Later, Casten said Republicans had used culture war issues, such as transgender rights, to provoke rural voters and that in areas where Democrats are outnumbered, such as the 12th Congressional District, the megaphone to focus on kitchen table issues had shrunk.
Unspoken was the fact that it was Democrats in Springfield, in their zeal to maximize representation in Washington, who drew the 12th Congressional District to be overtly Republican. Illinois' 17-member House delegation is made up of 14 Democrats and three Republicans.
In his 90-minute session, Casten fielded more than a dozen questions from audience members. Most were focused on presidential executive orders and the Trump administration's withholding of federal funding as well as the potential for cuts in Medicaid and veterans care in the recent House GOP-passed budget.
'I can't sugarcoat this. We are deep in a constitutional crisis,' Casten said of White House moves involving federal dollars that were not authorized by Congress and the refusal of the GOP-controlled legislative branch to hold the executive branch accountable. 'The rule of law doesn't actually get enforced if you don't have virtuous people in those jobs because the person who's enforcing the law, if they decide not to enforce it, there is no check that exists in that system.'
Two women in the crowd sporting red Trump caps appeared to be outnumbered by audience members who took a more favorable stance toward Casten and the Democrats.
One of the Trump backers, Laura Reece, spoke generally positively about Casten's appearance despite having a different political worldview.
'It took guts to come down here. And I thought he did a really good job,' said Reece, whose Trump cap is signed by Darren Bailey, a far-right former state senator who ran unsuccessfully for governor and Congress. 'I didn't totally agree with him. But I think he did a good job on explaining things.'
Reece, who said she's a bus driver from the Carterville area, told Casten during the event that she sees 'what kids are being taught, what they are not being taught,' how kids are dropping out of the pubic school system to be homeschooled and that 'school choice is an excellent idea.' She asked Casten's view on the issue and he replied how it's difficult for him to support school choice if there's an expectation by its backers that they don't need to pay taxes to fund public education.
Asked about Casten's response to her question afterward, Reece said, 'We just got to do something to get these schools to wake up and realize our kids need a better education.'
Reece said she didn't care about showing up to the event sporting Trump swag.
'I'm a stubborn person. It didn't bother me a bit. I thought it was kinda funny, all the stares I was getting,' Reece said. 'When I walked in, people were giving me dirty looks. I'm a Southern woman. I can take it.'
But her friend Sandra, who was also at the event, disagreed with how they felt when they arrived.
'We were scared. We were frightened,' she said, declining to disclose her last name for privacy reasons. 'It did turn out well.'
While she gave Casten credit for appearing, Sandra said that with Illinois so blue, Republicans don't have much power and it seems as if they're not 'allowed to have representation in the Illinois state legislature.'
'We're not his constituents,' Sandra said of Casten. 'I don't know why (Democratic Gov. JB) Pritzker couldn't come. He probably would've gotten a lot more interesting questions that pertain to this area.'
To be sure, even in the heavily Republican region, Casten's event was held in 'the islands of blue in this sea of red that's generally here,' said John Jackson, a veteran political studies expert and visiting professor at the Paul Simon Policy Institute at nearby Southern Illinois University at Carbondale.
Western Williamson County, where Casten appeared, shares some of the political ideology of neighboring Jackson County, the home of SIUC, where President Joe Biden defeated Trump 49% to 48% in 2020 and Trump lost to Vice President Kamala Harris 50.5% to 47% last year.
Jackson said that for Democratic voters who have seen listless party leadership since the November election, the Casten event and similar efforts are showing them that Democratic leaders are 'doing something' to 'show the flag and rally the faithful — and right now, the faithful are about all the Democrats have.'
But will such efforts reach anyone outside the Democratic faithful?
'That's the question on which the '26 midterms hang,' Jackson said. 'Right now, the rational voter, it seems to me, would look at the possibility they made some mistakes in choosing a guy that upset the world's economic order and military order that had lasted 80 years, just to advance his image of being the master negotiator and the art of the deal.'
'It's not going to get rid of Mike Bost. Nothing will do that until he decides to retire,' Jackson said. 'But Democrats have got to start working on those independents and maybe old-time Republicans around here who weren't really MAGA types.'
Bost held a small constituent meeting in the northwestern part of his district on March 22 regarding the need for oversight of solar panel installations on farmland. But it was interrupted by at least one protester.
'You're yellow,' the protester told Bost. 'This Marine ain't yellow, buddy,' Bost, a military veteran, responded before the protester was removed.
'That same thing is happening all over the United States, and it's very well organized by the way,' Bost said of town hall protests on KMOV-TV in St. Louis. 'When I talk to my constituents, I want to do it in a way that's civil. We actually kept this one pretty civil.'
Bost narrowly defeated Bailey in last year's Republican congressional primary in a contest of which candidate was a bigger Trump acolyte.
Bost's political team belittled Casten's visit.
'What could the Trump-hating, Ivy League-educated Chicagoland liberals possibly learn about southern Illinois' values from a one-hour media stunt?' asked Bost campaign manager Myles Nelson in a statement.
'The vast majority of us are anti-woke, anti-big government, pro-family and pro-Second Amendment,' Nelson said. 'Congressman Bost's record is much more aligned with his constituents than the outsiders parachuting in to score points with the press.'
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CNBC
32 minutes ago
- CNBC
How Trump went from opposing Israel's strikes on Iran to reluctant support
WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump had opposed Israeli military action against Iran, favoring negotiations over bombing. But in the days before the strikes began, he became convinced that Israel's heightened anxiety over Iran's nuclear enrichment capabilities was warranted. After a pivotal briefing from the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Air Force Gen. Dan Caine, on Israel's plans and U.S. options for supporting its operation, he gave tacit approval to Israel to have at it and decided to provide limited U.S. backing. When Caine briefed him on June 8, Trump was increasingly frustrated with Iran for not responding to the latest proposal for a nuclear deal. He still remained hopeful that his Middle East peace negotiator, Steve Witkoff, who had been scheduled to conduct another round of peace talks in the region Sunday, could soon get an agreement over the line. Trump was also facing private pressure from longtime allies who advocate more isolationist policies and wanted him to stop Israel from taking military action or at least withhold U.S. support for any such operation. This account of Trump's thinking leading up to the Israeli operation is based on interviews with five current U.S. officials and two Middle Eastern officials, as well as two people with knowledge of the deliberations, two former U.S officials familiar with the deliberations and a Trump ally. The White House didn't immediately comment, and the Defense Department didn't respond to a request for comment. In recent weeks, Israel grew more convinced that the threat posed by Tehran was getting increasingly serious and urgent. And while he had already decided not to stand in Israel's way, on Thursday, only hours before the strikes began, Trump remained at least publicly hopeful that diplomacy would win the day. "I don't want them going in, because I think it would blow it — might help it actually, but it also could blow it, but we've had very good discussions with Iran," Trump told reporters at a bill signing ceremony. "I prefer the more friendly path." Behind the scenes, the Israelis had already laid much of the groundwork for Trump's measured change. Trump had hoped Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu could be persuaded not to mount an attack. But over the past week, he came to accept that Israel was determined to neutralize Iran's nuclear capabilities and that the United States would have to lend some military support for defensive purposes, as well as some intelligence support. After the strikes began Thursday evening, the administration took pains to say it had provided no military assistance to Israel, and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who is also the national security adviser, pointedly omitted any mention of U.S. support for Israel's operations in a statement. But the administration's public statements the next day did leave the door open to the United States' having provided some of the kind of intelligence Israel needed to mount an attack. Israel was able to conduct its initial strikes mostly with its own intelligence and capabilities — killing three military leaders and nine top scientists working on nuclear enrichment and destroying several nuclear enrichment sites, Israeli officials have said — but it also leaned heavily on American intelligence, bunker-buster bombs that were provided this year and air defense systems, some of which were scrambled into the region quickly in recent days. But Trump still wouldn't sign off on everything Israel wanted. After the start of their military campaign, the Israelis collected intelligence that could have allowed them to target and kill Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Netanyahu presented the operation to Trump, who opposed the plan altogether and wouldn't allow the United States to participate, according to two U.S. officials. No Americans had been killed in the conflict, so Trump didn't believe it would be appropriate to remove Khamenei, the political leader, and recommended against the Israelis' conducting the operation, the officials said. On Sunday, he appeared to advocate again for talks over strikes, saying on his social media platform, Truth Social: "Iran and Israel should make a deal, and will make a deal, just like I got India and Pakistan to make. ... Many calls and meetings now taking place. I do a lot, and never get credit for anything, but that's OK, the PEOPLE understand. MAKE THE MIDDLE EAST GREAT AGAIN!" Trump's approach to Israel's military campaign started to take form last Sunday at Camp David, the presidential retreat in rural Maryland. By that time, Israeli officials had already begun to share extensive information with U.S. officials about their potential operation. Caine, the Joint Chiefs chairman, briefed Trump and his national security team about the Israeli plans to strike Iran and U.S. options, according to two U.S. officials and one of the people familiar with the deliberations. Those options, the three sources said, included logistical support, like refueling Israeli jet fighters, sharing intelligence and using the American military's electronic warfare capabilities to help Israel jam enemy weapons and communications. Another option was to provide direct military support to Israel, even having U.S. jets drop munitions in active combat alongside Israeli fighters, for example. And yet another option, Caine briefed Trump, was to do nothing at all. Trump has consistently said he wants to extract the United States from foreign conflicts and has sought to use diplomacy to end Russia's war on Ukraine and the fighting in Gaza, albeit without success. But Israel was getting anxious, and it wasn't convinced that Trump's plan for peace in the region would work. Netanyahu and his war Cabinet didn't have faith in the U.S. negotiations with Iran taking place in Oman, despite Washington's public pronouncements that a deal was close. For months, the Trump administration has pressed the Israelis not to carry out strikes on Iran and warned that the United States wouldn't support them if they did. By the end of last week, the White House's public tone started to include more support for Israel, and in private it shifted from strong opposition against a widespread military operation to acceptance that it was likely to happen and less resistance to it. Among the reasons for Trump's change of heart was the declaration Thursday by the United Nations' nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency, that Iran was in breach of its nonproliferation requirements. Trump was also concerned by the sense coming from Israel, the United States and the IAEA that Iran had achieved leaps in its nuclear program, and he didn't want to be the president on whose watch it was able to obtain a nuclear weapon. The United States had already been quietly moving some pieces into place to prepare for the Israeli attack. In recent days, U.S. European Command was told some of its P-8 Poseidon maritime patrol and reconnaissance planes would be diverted to the Middle East to conduct surveillance. Then, in remarks that drew little attention last week, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced that more than 20,000 U.S. anti-drone missiles meant for Kyiv had been diverted — to the Middle East. Trump and Netanyahu spoke several times in the previous week, but by last Monday, Trump had grown convinced that Israel was going to strike and was starting to put more pieces into place to help support the strike. Soon after that conversation last Monday, the Pentagon directed European Command to send a Navy destroyer to sit off Israel to help defend it in the likely event of a counterattack from Tehran, joining two more and a carrier strike group already there. Witkoff had been expected to travel to Muscat for peace talks as late as Friday. With the conflict still active, the U.S. side acknowledged that those talks were off. But it's not shutting the door to future discussions. "While there will be no meeting Sunday, we remain committed to talks and hope the Iranians will come to the table soon," an administration official told news organizations.
Yahoo
34 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Trump Sent Them To Hell. Now He's Erasing Them Altogether.
The only information Ysqueibel Yonaiquer Peñaloza Chirinos' family has received about him in the past three months came from former Republican congressman Matt Gaetz. Gaetz probably didn't mean to help. But last month, as part of a propaganda video for the far-right One America News Network, he took a tour of the infamous El Salvadoran prison to which President Donald Trump has sent hundreds of U.S. immigrants for indefinite detention, without charge, trial or sentencing: El Centro de Confinamiento del Terrorismo, or CECOT. By the time Gaetz arrived, the men Trump had rendered to the prison had already been there for two months. It happens quickly: The OANN camera pans across a cluster of cells Gaetz says are being used to hold the people Trump sent to El Salvador. Many chant 'Libertad!' Some press their hands together in prayer, pleading. Peñaloza's face flashes on screen, framed by two metal bars. He looks mournful, almost crying, and does not say anything. But he does what most others are doing, opening and closing his fingers over a closed thumb, making what his lawyers say is an internationally recognized hand symbol for distress — a flashing 'send help' request popularized by domestic violence advocacy groups during the COVID-19 pandemic. Immigration policies aren't just politics — they're personal. At HuffPost, we explore the human stories behind the headlines, reporting on how immigration laws impact real people and communities. Support this vital coverage by Peñaloza's mother, Ydalys Chirinos-Polanco, spotted him in the video. She already knew he was at the prison — Peñaloza's olive branch tattoo was visible in the initial March 15 footage of the U.S. CECOT detainees — but she hadn't seen him since then. Peñaloza's only encounter with the law in the United States had been a traffic ticket, she said. 'I felt a lot of pain,' Chirinos recalled to HuffPost on a video call Wednesday, speaking in Spanish and through tears. 'But at the same time — a lot of happiness to see that he is alive and that he had the strength to stand up.' A month later, she hasn't seen any more of her son. In his absence, the U.S. government has worked to remove Peñaloza, who is Venezuelan, from domestic immigration court entirely. Six days after Gaetz's prison tour, an immigration judge granted the Department of Homeland Security's request to dismiss Peñaloza's case. As far as the United States immigration court system is concerned, he does not exist. At least 24 people sent to CECOT have had their immigration cases dismissed in their absence, Michelle Brané, the executive director of Together & Free, a nonprofit working to identify and track CECOT detainees, told HuffPost. The actual number may be higher — and it is unclear how many cases have pending dismissal requests from DHS that have not received rulings from immigration judges, who are technically Justice Department employees rather than members of an independent court system. Some immigration judges are pushing back. Last week, one such judge denied a DHS motion to dismiss a CECOT detainee's immigration case, saying the Trump administration had 'essentially rid itself of its opposing party.' But that is a rare exception to the trend. The dismissal of immigration cases for the CECOT detainees is yet another example of the Trump administration working to erase any trace of them in the United States, even though hundreds had ongoing legal cases here when they were disappeared. Without that legal toehold in the U.S. immigration system, CECOT detainees risk falling not only outside the purview of U.S. law but outside of any legal recognition whatsoever. There was no hearing in Peñaloza's case to discuss the dismissal — a May 30 court date was canceled ahead of time — and no discussion of where Peñaloza is, or how he got there. Instead, in a two-paragraph filing in April, attorneys for Immigration and Customs Enforcement said only that the 25-year-old 'was identified as an Alien Enemy and removed from the United States.' It was a perverse legal argument. Because Trump had removed Peñaloza without legal process, he was no longer present in the United States, and therefore, was not entitled to any legal process, the government claimed. On May 15, an immigration judge granted DHS's motion, stating that 'the Court does not have the authority to demand DHS return Respondent to the United States.' Peñaloza's legal team plans to appeal, and lawyers for CECOT detainees are involved in several lawsuits on their behalf. While dismissing cases, some immigration judges have said that the proper venue for legal challenges are habeas corpus lawsuits — and despite the Trump administration's open defiance, federal judges have advanced such lawsuits nationally, most notably earlier this month. 'Imagine having to explain to someone's mother, as a United States immigration attorney, that their son has an immigration hearing, and the government attorneys fighting his case say that they have no means of being able to connect you with your client — when the United States government has paid for the detention of that individual in a third country,' Margaret Cargioli, directing attorney of policy and advocacy at Immigrant Defenders Law Center and Peñaloza's attorney in the United States, told HuffPost. Like other attorneys for CECOT detainees, Cargioli argues that because the Trump administration made an arrangement with El Salvador to imprison Trump's expelled migrants, her client is still in the 'constructive custody' of the United States, and is still owed his day in court. 'It's astounding that I could not get any information about Ysqueibel to provide to their family during immigration court hearings, and that by sheer bravery on his part, he pressed his face against the bars of a dangerous prison to let his loved ones know that he's still alive,' she said, referring to the Gaetz video. The Trump administration defended the handling of these cases. 'The appropriate process due to an illegal alien terrorist with final deportation orders is removal, plain and simple,' Department of Homeland Security spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin told HuffPost in a statement, ignoring a lengthy list of specific questions. McLaughlin said DHS has a 'stringent law enforcement assessment in place that abides by due process under the U.S. Constitution.' But DHS has not released evidence supporting its assertions regarding the CECOT detainees, and around half of the people the Trump administration has sent to CECOT had no final deportation orders at all. Those who did mostly had orders to be deported to Venezuela, not El Salvador. White House spokesperson Abigail Jackson said separately, 'Any illegal alien who is deported from the United States receives due process prior to any removal.' But that's simply not true. Human rights groups and lawyers have characterized the Trump administration's renditions of hundreds of people to CECOT as 'enforced disappearances,' in which someone is detained and deprived of their rights without due process while their captors refuse to even acknowledge their detention. Peñaloza is just one of at least 278 people, mostly Venezuelans and some Salvadorans, sent by the Trump administration to the Salvadoran prison earlier this year as part of an arrangement in which the Trump administration is paying the Salvadoran government millions of dollars to detain non-U.S. citizens. Around half of the immigrants in that group were sent to CECOT after they received 'removal' orders in standard deportation proceedings — an unprecedented punishment given immigration proceedings are civil in nature, not criminal. The other people, including Peñaloza, were accused by the U.S. government of being 'alien enemies.' They were declared members of the Tren de Aragua gang, often simply because of common tattoos. The Trump administration considers Tren de Aragua to be not only a gang but also a terrorist group, as well as essentially an invading army that's allegedly working hand-in-glove with the Venezuelan government. In March, Trump invoked the Alien Enemies Act, a wartime authority last used in World War II, to allege that the gang was actually 'supporting the [Venezuelan President Nicolás] Maduro regime's goal of destabilizing democratic nations in the Americas, including the United States.' Veteran intelligence analysts who disputed that claim were fired. Suddenly, it only took a low-level bureaucrat's say-so to banish someone from the country and into indefinite detention in one of the world's most notorious prisons, without any review by judges. The same day Trump signed his declaration, the administration began flying hundreds of Venezuelans in U.S. custody to CECOT. A federal judge ordered the Trump administration to halt the removals and turn the flights around, but government officials ignored the directive. The judge opened criminal contempt proceedings against the administration in April, but the administration made no effort to return the expelled men. Officials even defied a Supreme Court order telling them to return Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Salvadoran immigrant who multiple government officials acknowledged was wrongfully expelled to El Salvador despite a judge's prior order protecting him from being returned there. The Trump administration finally returned Abrego Garcia to the United States on June 6, nearly two months after the Supreme Court spoke on his case; he now faces criminal charges for alleged conspiracy to transport aliens and unlawful transportation of undocumented aliens. Abrego Garcia was arraigned Friday and has entered a not guilty plea. The U.S. government has never acknowledged the full list of people sent to CECOT, but CBS News, Bloomberg and other media outlets have used leaked lists and court records to establish that the vast majority of people had no criminal record at all, either in the United States or elsewhere around the world. The administration's own records showed the same thing, journalists from ProPublica, The Texas Tribune and the Venezuelan outlets Cazadores de Fake News and Alianza Rebelde Investiga recently reported. And out of 90 cases in which the detainee's method of coming to the United States was known, 50 cases described people who had entered the United States legally — 'with advanced US government permission, at an official border crossing point,' the CATO Institute, a libertarian think tank, found. Peñaloza was one of them. He came to the United States through a pre-scheduled appointment on CBP One, the cellphone app used by the Biden administration to process asylum-seekers. Nevertheless, due to the Trump administration's actions, hundreds of active cases in U.S. immigration courts suddenly ground to a halt, with worrying implications for CECOT detainees' futures. Like other people Trump has banished to CECOT, Peñaloza had a legal right to make a case in the United States for why he should stay here — a right that the government usurped. If a given immigration case is dismissed, 'you don't have legal status and you don't have a way to get it, because you're not in the process,' said Brané, the Together & Free executive director, who previously worked as a Biden administration official focusing on immigration. Should CECOT detainees who have had their immigration cases dismissed somehow return to the United States someday, it's not clear what their next steps would be, Brané said. 'Like all this [Alien Enemies Act] stuff, it's never happened before and they're not following normal procedures,' she said, referring to the Trump administration. The detainees 'were denied due process, they are disappeared, and they are now in this legal limbo where they remain in a prison with no legal protections, excluded from the protection of the law, and they don't know if they'll ever have a chance at a fair trial,' Isabel Carlota Roby, an attorney for Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights, told ABC News. Jerce Reyes Barrios, one of the people who faced having his immigration case tossed, was in the final stages of his asylum proceedings when the government disappeared him in March. A professional soccer player and youth soccer coach, Reyes Barrios fled Venezuela last year after being detained and tortured with electric shocks and suffocation for protesting authoritarian leader Nicolás Maduro, his lawyer Linette Tobin wrote in a court declaration. While in Mexico, Reyes Barrios made an appointment on CBP One and presented himself to immigration officials at the U.S. border. Immigration officials detained him at a facility in San Diego and accused him of being a member of Tren de Aragua, citing one of his tattoos and a hand symbol he made in a social media post. The tattoo, which shows a crown atop a soccer ball and the words 'Dios,' or 'God,' resembles the logo of Reyes Barrios' favorite soccer team, Real Madrid, Tobin wrote in the declaration. And the hand gesture, she wrote, 'is a common one that means I Love You in sign language and is commonly used as a Rock & Roll symbol.' After submitting Venezuelan documents showing he had no criminal record, as well as letters of employment, a declaration from the tattoo artist, and documents explaining the meaning of the tattoo and the hand gesture, Reyes Barrios was removed from maximum security. His final hearing on his asylum case in immigration court was set for April 17. 'We were completely prepared. Everything had been submitted to the court. Everything was ready,' Tobin said in an interview. But by March, Reyes Barrios was feeling nervous, his lawyer said: 'Just in the seven days before his removal, he was expressing a real concern. I think he had a premonition.' In the following days, he was abruptly transferred from a detention facility in California to one in Texas. And then, he went dark. Shortly after the March 15 deportation flights to El Salvador, Reyes Barrios' family saw a picture of some of the men in CECOT with their hands clasped behind their freshly shaven heads. Their faces were mostly obscured by their arms, but his family thought they recognized Reyes Barrios. Tobin called the ICE office in Texas, Reyes Barrios' last known location. She received confirmation he had been 'removed,' but the person on the phone refused to say where, she said. The family's fears were confirmed on March 20, when Reyes Barrios' name appeared on the CBS News list naming some people detained at CECOT. His family spotted him again in the footage released by Gaetz in May. Less than two weeks after Reyes Barrios disappeared, DHS filed a motion to dismiss his immigration case. The four-line motion did not provide any clarity on his location, condition or the reason the government considered him a so-called 'alien enemy.' Instead, a DHS attorney simply argued, 'The respondent is no longer in the United States. As such, there is authority to dismiss on this ground.' Tobin urged the judge to deny the government's request, arguing 'dismissal is inappropriate' and would 'be affirming and exacerbating DHS' gross and flagrant violations of [Reyes Barrios'] due process rights.' She noted that ongoing federal litigation over the legality of the CECOT transfers could result in her client returning home — only to find that his asylum case had been tossed. Indeed, earlier this month, a federal judge ruled that the government must 'facilitate' the ability of those transferred to CECOT to pursue habeas claims, or challenge the legality of their detention. Reyes Barrios' family texted Tobin emojis of party hats in celebration of the ruling. 'To have the injustice recognized by a court made them very happy,' Tobin said. There have been four hearings for Reyes Barrios' asylum case since he was removed from the U.S. The judge asked the government to provide information in support of its dismissal motion, including confirmation that Reyes Barrios was removed from the U.S. and evidence that he is a member of Tren de Aragua. But at each hearing, the government just restated that it is moving for dismissal, Tobin said. 'They never say anything else. They don't cite to regulations. They don't cite to case laws. They just say, 'Dismiss the case,'' Tobin said. At a hearing last month, Tobin asked the judge to administratively close the case, which would effectively pause proceedings. When the DHS lawyer opposed the request, the judge asked for their reasoning. 'Their response, after a very long pause, was, 'Well, because we're moving for dismissal,'' Tobin recounted. Then, on Tuesday, came a crucial development. In a ruling, the judge in Reyes Barrios' case granted Tobin's motion to administratively close it. As a result, his asylum case is still pending. 'Any opposition to administrative closure involves the Department's preference to dismiss proceedings [...] which the court deems inappropriate under the unclean hands doctrine since the Department essentially rid itself of its opposing party,' the judge wrote in his order, noting several so-called 'Avetisyan factors,' a reference to existing immigration court precedent concerning when it is appropriate to administratively close immigration cases, even if one side disagrees. 'Ongoing litigation questions the legality of the Department's removals under the [Alien Enemies Act],' the judge added. 'The court anticipates the respondent's ability to proceed with his [asylum] application, which he filed on December 3, 2024, although it is difficult to determine the ultimate outcome of his proceedings at this stage given that the respondent never had his 'day in court.'' Tobin celebrated the decision in a statement to HuffPost. 'DHS is feeding the public lies every day, saying that they're deporting violent criminals, monsters, the worst of the worst,' she said. 'To see judges call out the Government for their illegal actions, 'unclean hands,' and obfuscations gives me some degree of hope that justice will eventually prevail and people who were unlawfully disappeared/deported without due process will finally get their day in court.' In several other cases, immigration judges have been willing to grant DHS's dismissal requests quickly, sometimes without even holding a hearing. After the CECOT deportation flights, immigration lawyers around the country scrambled to keep the cases alive. In addition to Peñaloza, Immigrant Defenders Law Center has seven other clients in CECOT. Three have had their immigration cases dismissed, and one received removal orders in absentia, communications director Renee Garcia said in an email. Perhaps the most recognizable case, due to national news coverage, is that of Andry Hernández Romero, a gay makeup artist who was seeking asylum in the United States and who was targeted for indefinite CECOT detention due to benign tattoos, including two crowns with 'Mom' and 'Dad' printed under them. An immigration judge dismissed Hernandez's case late last month, as NBC News reported. A judge also dismissed the case of Arturo Suárez Trejo, a Venezuelan singer and friend of Peñaloza's, who had appeared in Suárez's music videos in the past, Garcia said. Last month, Judge Jason L. Stern, a Houston-based immigration judge, dismissed Frizgeralth de Jesús Cornejo Pulgar's case despite the government filing a motion for a continuance in the case, Mother Jones reported. Another CECOT detainee whose case was dismissed, Henrry Jose Albornoz Quintero, missed the birth of his child while languishing in El Salvador's infamous prison. Quintero and his wife, Naupari Rosila, came to the U.S. in late 2023, initially sleeping in a car until they saved enough for a deposit on a Dallas apartment. In January, when his wife was seven months pregnant, Quintero was detained during a routine ICE check-in. Rosila found an attorney and raised money for him to be released on bond. Days before a hearing in immigration court, he told her he was going to be deported home to Venezuela. He was sent to CECOT instead. In April, an ICE attorney moved to dismiss the case against Quintero, writing in a two-paragraph filing that 'the respondent was identified as an Alien Enemy and removed from the United States.' Quintero's attorney, John Dutton, told HuffPost the dismissal motion was the first time the Trump administration acknowledged using the Alien Enemies Act against his client. The motion to dismiss was 'morally repugnant,' Dutton wrote in a court filing, describing Quintero as being sent to 'an extrajudicial dungeon in a middle of the night, unannounced, covert operation between our government and a foreign dictatorship, bankrolled, directed and fully controlled by the United States.' 'The government cannot be allowed to erase people from its jurisdiction simply by shipping them abroad,' Dutton wrote. 'If DHS's motion were granted, it would establish a chilling precedent: that DHS may abduct noncitizens mid-proceedings, contract out their indefinite detention to foreign governments, and then declare the case moot due to their own unlawful conduct. This would not be an exercise of prosecutorial discretion. It would be a blueprint for lawless tyranny, a dictatorship. This is not hyperbole.' On May 1, a judge granted the government's motion. Quintero's case was dismissed. 'Regardless of the merits of the respondent's opposition to his physical removal from the United States, this Court does not have jurisdiction to consider constitutional issues,' the immigration judge wrote. 'The requirements for dismissal of the Notice to Appear have been met in this case.' *** Over the phone Wednesday, Peñaloza's mother told HuffPost about her son – that he's hard-working, principled, and respectful. He's a trained refrigerator technician who has worked in construction in the past. He's a good cook who loves making chinchurria— a stuffed, fried intestine dish popular in Venezuela — but can also dress up humble meals like vegetarian arepas or rice with tomato sauce. He's an older sibling who, in years past, would remind his younger sisters to listen to their parents. Part of his income from his time in the United States went to paying for his younger sister's physical therapy education. Valentina Polanco-Chirinos, Peñaloza's 17-year-old sister, briefly chimed in on the call. Her brother was sentimental, she said, and would cry when his mother scolded him. But especially given her mother's travels throughout Venezuela for work, she was grateful for him. He was almost a father figure to her, Valentina said. Peñaloza's mother — who'd just returned from Caracas, where a group of CECOT detainees' family members were petitioning the United Nations — said her son's disappearance to El Salvador in March came as a shock to her. He, like many others who ended up in CECOT, believed while in U.S. immigration detention that he was headed home to Venezuela. She said he'd given all of his clothes away to relatives when he'd left for the U.S., and that she'd set out to buy him a new pair of shoes. When news broke that a handful of deportation flights had landed in El Salvador, she figured they'd been diverted due to weather. Reality set in when she saw that one of the prisoners had her son's tattoo. The United States seems to be moving backward, she said: The CECOT detainees were kidnapped, and they weren't given an opportunity to defend themselves. And her son's immigration case in the United States? If he's eventually released from CECOT, did she think he would want to return and fight for his right to stay in the country? She didn't think so. 'I don't think he would feel safe there.' Lawyers Are Sounding The Alarm About Trump Disappearing People The Trump Administration Is Using A Legal Loophole To Keep Mahmoud Khalil In Custody — Despite A Court Order Kilmar Abrego Garcia Has Returned To The United States People Are 'Disappearing' Since Trump Took Office. Here's What That Means.


Fox News
43 minutes ago
- Fox News
Trump endorses House freshman for reelection less than six months into the lawmaker's congressional tenure
President Donald Trump issued a full-throated endorsement of Rep. Abe Hamadeh, R-Ariz., backing the lawmaker for re-election less than half a year into the freshman House member's first term in office. "Abe Hamadeh has my Complete and Total Endorsement for Re-Election – HE WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN!" the president declared in a Truth Social post in which he described the congressman as "an America First Patriot." Trump endorsed Hamadeh in December 2023, ahead of the 2024 GOP U.S. House primary in Arizona's 8th Congressional District. But then later he issued an unusual dual endorsement of both Hamadeh and another GOP primary candidate, Blake Masters, just ahead of the 2024 contest that Hamadeh ultimately won. Back in February Hamadeh introduced a resolution to limit the types of flags that may be displayed in House facilities, though the text of the proposal stipulates that it would not "apply to the individual personal office space of a Member of the House of Representatives." The resolution would allow for displaying the American flag and various other kinds of flags, some of which would include "The State flag of the represented district of a Member of the House of Representatives, displayed adjacent to the office of such Member" and "The flags of visiting foreign dignitaries during an official visit." "Congress is supposed to embody the AMERICAN people. That's why I've introduced a resolution to ban foreign and ideological flags in the Halls of Congress. It's pathetic that I even have to introduce this resolution," Hamadeh declared in a tweet this month. Six other House Republicans are listed as cosponsors on including three original cosponsors and three other lawmakers listed as backing the measure this month. "You have inspired me and so many other young men and women to fearlessly serve our country in our nation's Armed Services and the halls of Congress," Hamadeh wrote in a June 14 letter to Trump marking the president's 79th birthday and the Army's 250th.