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CII chief sees 6.7% growth in FY26, says uncertainty a risk

CII chief sees 6.7% growth in FY26, says uncertainty a risk

Time of India6 hours ago
NEW DELHI: The country's economy is projected to grow by 6.4-6.7% during the current financial year, Rajiv Memani, newly appointed president of Confederation of Indian Industry (CII), said on Thursday but cautioned that geopolitical uncertainty could pose a risk to the forecast.
"At a time when global economic and political volatility is at its highest in over two decades, India stands out as a bright spot," Memani said.
In his first news conference after taking over as CII president, Memani also suggested a raft of reform measures that could be undertaken to accelerate growth.
He also backed rationalisation of GST rates and a move towards a three-tiered rate structure, with essential goods under 5% slab, luxury and sin goods at 28%, and placing all other items within 12-18% range.
Memani cited a number of factors that are supporting growth, including a favourable monsoon outlook, enhanced liquidity after RBI's rate cuts.
Regarding the proposed India-US Free Trade Agreement, Memani said: "We will not have 100% winners," stating that CII has advocated for a "balanced and reasonable" approach. He said sensitive sectors, such as agriculture and dairy, might be excluded from the initial agreement, which is expected to be implemented in phases as areas with significant political implications would be addressed at a later stage.
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Memani also expressed concerns over shortage of critical minerals in the auto sector and said the issue is more serious than it appears, with some auto companies already planning to cut production. He stressed the importance of India identifying and addressing critical supply chain dependencies, as well as upskilling its workforce to better align with industry demands.
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Balance yin and yang before Guru Purnima 2025: The July 7 two-watch ritual explained
Balance yin and yang before Guru Purnima 2025: The July 7 two-watch ritual explained

Time of India

time12 minutes ago

  • Time of India

Balance yin and yang before Guru Purnima 2025: The July 7 two-watch ritual explained

The Rare 7-7-7 Energy Gateway and the Two-Watch Ritual for Guru Purnima 2025 The 7th day of the 7th month in a year ending in 7 forms a rare 7-7-7 energy gateway. In spiritual numerology, this alignment opens the path for emotional reset and inner recalibration. Falling just three days before Guru Purnima (July 10, 2025)—the full moon of wisdom and reverence, this powerful date acts as a threshold, clearing emotional baggage to make space for higher understanding. A Sacred Habit: Wearing Two Timepieces Wearing two timepieces, one on each wrist, on this day is more than a style statement; it's a live yantra, a symbolic action that balances yin and yang, intuition and execution. This alignment harmonizes the energy field, preparing the practitioner to receive Guru Purnima's blessings fully and consciously. 🌕 The Spiritual Significance of the Full Moon (Guru Purnima 2025) The full moon amplifies everything. Known in my practice as the 'mirror moon,' Guru Purnima draws unresolved patterns, karmic loops, and intuitive revelations into the light. Emotions rise, subconscious themes surface, and spiritual clarity sharpens. This is not a time to be passive. It's a time to observe, listen, and respond with disciplined energetic rituals that stabilize the auric field. Wearing two timepieces becomes a somatic yantra, a tangible form of sacred balance. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Giao dịch CFD với công nghệ và tốc độ tốt hơn IC Markets Đăng ký Undo It integrates both receptive and assertive energies, preventing the inner disarray that often occurs when lunar forces run high. ⚖️ Understanding Wrist Energy: Left and Right Channels In Vedic philosophy and many spiritual healing systems, the left and right sides of the body represent different energetic functions: Left Wrist: Governed by the ida nadi , linked to the moon, intuition, emotion, and feminine (yin) energy. Right Wrist: Connected to the pingala nadi , associated with the sun, action, will, and masculine (yang) energy. When one channel dominates, it can lead to emotional overwhelm or detached over-functioning. The two-watch practice keeps both channels activated and balanced, especially crucial on the night before Guru Purnima, when the soul prepares to receive inner teachings and divine downloads. 🌙 Left Wrist: Receiving the Moon's Wisdom Wearing a watch on the left wrist during the full moon helps stabilize the lunar influx. Choose an analog watch in soft tones like silver, rose gold, cream, or crafted from natural materials such as leather or cotton. Before wearing it, set an intention like: ✨ 'I receive truth. I allow clarity. I honor my emotions.' This step isn't symbolic—it's essential. Timepieces carry energetic memory because they track cycles. Your intention imprints the object with spiritual purpose. ☀️ Right Wrist: Anchoring Solar Action The right wrist grounds the masculine energy—your power to respond and act. Here, a metal or digital watch works best to represent structure, logic, and output. Before wearing, infuse it with an affirmation such as: ✨ 'I act with clarity. I manage my energy. I move with intention.' This isn't about hustle—it's about aligned action and energetic leadership during heightened emotional states. 🕰️ Wearing Two Watches: A Ritual of Sacred Integration Wearing a watch on each wrist is a deliberate ritual of integration. One wrist holds depth and emotional receptivity; the other channels willpower and transformation. Together, they create a powerful energetic loop—balancing the opposites within. This ritual is especially potent in the 24–48 hours before the full moon. Emotions may surge. Old memories may surface. You may feel torn between inaction and urgency. Wearing both timepieces allows you to honor both forces, silently affirming: ✨ 'I am whole. I do not have to choose between softness and strength.' 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Clarity on power costs could speed up India's transition to clean energy
Clarity on power costs could speed up India's transition to clean energy

Mint

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Clarity on power costs could speed up India's transition to clean energy

The government's recent decision to reduce inter-state transmission incentives for renewable energy (RE) from sources like solar and wind is a timely step to reduce distortion in the bills of states that use India's arterial inter-state transmission system (ISTS). Thus far, states using ISTS wires for non-RE supplies more than RE—like Rajasthan and Gujarat, which are both big RE producers—have ended up paying higher bills. On the other hand, states like Jharkhand and Odisha, which generate plenty of coal-fired electricity but use that network to import large RE volumes, have had to pay less. The revision of a policy aimed at widening RE access will push states to look beyond the low hanging fruit of supply from RE-rich states and develop local rooftop solar capacity and explore other RE options. Also Read: Pralhad Joshi: The International Solar Alliance has shone a path to clean energy This policy tweak also needs to be viewed in the context of an entire gamut of incentives offered to clean energy along the supply chain from generation to power purchases, an exercise that reveals challenges we must address. Among others, one of this sector's main scaffolds is the 'must run' priority that RE enjoys in the despatch of electricity under our system. There is no doubt that when the sun shines and wind blows, electricity is produced cheaper than from non-RE sources such as coal and gas. So RE is a good bet for India's climate goals. On the buyer's side, a key catalyst is the renewable consumption targets given to states. They must either produce RE or buy it from other states. Over the past decade, we have seen a sharp rise in the supply of solar electricity, aided partly by a global slide in solar panel costs. Yet, the vagaries of weather leave RE unreliable for round-the-clock supply. Also Read: Energy security: India needn't be staring at a $1 trillion import bill The proverbial shoe began to pinch a few years ago. We saw India's peak-time shortage going up sharply and our shortfall eased only after the public sector NTPC Ltd set up new fossil-fuel plants. This capacity expansion, however, implied an additional layer of embedded subsidy, since fossil-fuel plants end up operating at low capacity, which is inefficient, given the primacy given to RE. The need for grid stability has thus imposed a cost that hasn't been priced into tariffs. Thankfully, battery storage costs have also been dropping. In response, the government has been inviting bids for bundled round-the-clock RE supplies and the tariffs discovered so far are seen to be lower than those of fossil-fuel plants. For a big difference to be made, this approach needs to be scaled up. Also Read: Rely on modern geothermal energy to power our AI ambitions Costlier transmission across state borders should nudge RE importing states to complement their solar and wind efforts with storage facilities. But let's not forget that low tariff bids also reflect embedded subsidies. For clean power to dominate India on its own steam, so to speak, penalty pricing of emissions—and the emergence of a dynamic carbon market—will have to tilt the cost dynamics firmly in its favour. Right now, a subsidy maze obscures a clear picture of this sector. To reach our net-zero goal, the path we take should be optimized to ease our fiscal burden as much as possible. And to attract more private investment, states must ensure that what end-users pay reflects true costs to the extent possible. Also, regulation must be transparent. What state coffers shell out should be clear.

Vietnam trade pact has multiple takeaways, a clear China red-flag, and some pointers for the impending India-US deal
Vietnam trade pact has multiple takeaways, a clear China red-flag, and some pointers for the impending India-US deal

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Vietnam trade pact has multiple takeaways, a clear China red-flag, and some pointers for the impending India-US deal

As the India-United States trade deal looks set to be announced over the next few days, a new deal inked by the Donald Trump administration with Vietnam offers fresh pointers for how Washington DC is approaching these trade agreements. One, the Vietnam deal shows that Trump is serious about tariffs, and that any belief that his administration plans to put off the tariff threats might be misplaced. The US Vietnam deal is clearly lopsided against the smaller, developing country, given that the US will impose a 20% tariff on Vietnamese goods entering the country while Vietnam has been arm twisted to drop all tariffs on American goods. For other countries too, including smaller nations, there is a strong likelihood of the deals being completely lopsided in favour of the US. Also, while the 20% rate is lower than the original proposal of 46% tariff on Vietnam, this rate is certainly higher than the 10% that was levied when the reciprocal tariffs were withdrawn. But there is a really big catch in the deal fineprint. Two, the catch in this deal is that any goods that are transshipped through Vietnam to the US will face a double tariff of 40%. That is a move clearly aimed at one country only — China. A lot of Chinese components make their way to Vietnam and are integrated into goods that the South-East Asian country eventually ships to the US, and the rest of the world. For instance, Chinese fabrics are used in Vietnamese clothing, given that the latter does not really have a cotton or man-made fibre production base. Chinese components go into electronics that are assembled in Vietnam and sent abroad. A higher tariff rate on goods that are made and assembled in Vietnam, but include foreign components, is clearly a move aimed at targeting Chinese producers and potentially make them less competitive while using production bases such as Vietnam. Now, that is a template, which could be followed for other ASEAN countries that are increasingly being regarded by Washington DC as transshipment hubs for China. The broader message from this is perhaps that the Trump administration could continue to act tough on China. In both respects, this could be good news for countries such as India if they are able to wrangle better terms in their deals with the US. Vietnam is a competitor for India, and benefits greatly from the China alliance. Third, the Vietnam deal shows that the pact seems to be centered on headline tariffs, even as they do not seem to really address the sectoral tariffs, which has been a key sticking point for countries such as Japan and South Korea, who were earlier seen as frontrunners to clinch early deals. Sectoral tariffs are an issue for India too. What the Vietnam deal likely shows is that there is still going to be a lot of fog even after a deal is clinched, especially with Asian countries that generally have multiple tariff lines and an array of tariffs. Fourth, the big takeaway from this deal is that the tariff onslaught initiated by the US is likely to continue focusing on China. With the July 9 deadline looming, which is just three-working days away, there are indications the about 20-odd countries that are in active talks with the Trump administration are eventually going to land up in three main buckets — the ones like possibly India, Taiwan and the European Union, which are likely to get a deal, just like the UK and Vietnam. Others might get more time to negotiate, maybe another three months or so. Then there's going to be the third grouping of countries that are just going to get handed their tariff rate without any negotiation whatsoever. Canada and Mexico are outside of these three categories, since the reciprocal tariffs were not slapped on them in the first place. Meanwhile, the last word on the validity of the reciprocal tariffs is likely to come from the judiciary, since the matter is being heard in American courts. There are some implicit assumptions that New Delhi seems to be working with in its approach to a deal with Washington DC. Despite President Trump's vacillations on trade policy, there is confidence here that the administration in Washington DC will maintain a steady differential in tariffs between China and countries such as India. Precisely for that gap to be maintained, a deal, officials said, needs to be clinched by India. The Vietnam deal is being seen as a vindication of this view. Also, while agriculture is a concern, as is the perceived arm twisting by the Trump administration on issues that are sensitive from an Indian point of view, there is a growing sense within an influential section of policymakers here that a deal for New Delhi is vital to keep the differential with China in place, especially since Beijing is also trying to strike a deal of its own. The question really is whether the Indian negotiators would have to settle for a limited early-harvest type of mini deal, or would they have to turn away from the negotiating table for now, let the July 9 deadline pass, and then rebuild efforts to bridge the gaps. A full-scale deal looks out of the question for now. Second, there is now a realisation that cutting tariffs across segments, especially intermediate goods, might be a net positive for India. Also, while the redlines for India would include sensitive sectors such as dairy products and cereals, where agri livelihoods are at stake, there is now greater receptiveness within India's policy circles to cut tariffs on some industrial goods, including automobiles, and some agri products of interest to the Amercians. Also, India has headroom to import more from the US, especially in three sectors — crude, defence equipment and nuclear, to manage Trump's constant references to the trade gap. Third, there is a growing view that the baseline tariffs are here to stay. So, effectively, what India would be negotiating for is a rate between 10% and 26 %. Prior to Trump's taking over in January, the effective duty on India was just 4%, and there were virtually no non-tariff barriers. That number is now a thing of the past. What is more consequential is the effective duty on Chinese products on a landed basis across US ports in commodity categories where Indian producers are reasonably competitive. The net tariff differential with India, and how that curve continues to move, is of particular interest here, given the firm belief in policy circles here that Washington DC would ensure a reasonable tariff differential between China and India. This is, in turn, expected to tide over some of India's structural downsides — infrastructural bottlenecks, logistics woes, high interest cost, the cost of doing business, corruption, etc. Anil Sasi is National Business Editor with the Indian Express and writes on business and finance issues. He has worked with The Hindu Business Line and Business Standard and is an alumnus of Delhi University. ... Read More

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