Tata Motors aims to regain 50% market share in Indian electric car segment, Harrier EV and Sierra EV to play key roles
Tata Motors aims to bring new products in the above ₹20 lakh segment of Indian electric car market, while in the lower pricing slab categories, the company targets to strengthen its grip by value propositioning of existing models. Notify me
Tata Motors, which is the current leader in the Indian electric passenger vehicle segment, is aiming to regain its market share of 50 per cent in the mid-to-long term. To achieve this target, the carmaker is planning to expand its product portfolio as well as update the existing products. With the domestic electric passenger vehicle market fragmenting into four distinct segments on the basis of price brackets, Tata Motors is now gearing up to enter the above ₹ 20 lakh segment with its upcoming models like the Harrier EV and Sierra EV. Besides that, the OEM is also emphasising the fleet segment EVs to regain volume.
Speaking to the news agency PTI, Shailesh Chandra, the Managing Director of Tata Motors Passenger Vehicle and Tata Passenger Electric Mobility, revealed this plan. He also stated that the homegrown auto major is working to make the total cost of ownership (TCO) of its electric vehicles in the fleet segment comparable to that of CNG vehicles to regain volumes. "We have the aspiration of sustaining our market share beyond 50 per cent in the mid to long term. We would aspire to be at a 50 per cent market share by having a very wide product portfolio and products which are aligned to the expectations of the customers," Chandra said. He further added that by mid-term, he meant 18-24 months and beyond.
Also Read : Upcoming cars in India
Tata Motors currently has a wide range of electric cars on offer, which include the Tiago EV, Tigor EV, Punch EV, Nexon EV, and Curvv EV. The Harrier EV and Sierra EV will join the lineup soon, with the former being ready for launch on June 3 and the latter expected to hit the market later this year. With the existing models as well as the upcoming ones, Tata Motors is looking to maintain its leadership position in the Indian electric passenger vehicle market in the wake of intensifying competition from rival brands.
Chandra said that Tata's market share in the Indian electric car market is down to about 40-41 per cent at present, compared to about 55 per cent last fiscal. This is mainly on account of a drop in fleet sales and intense competition in the ₹ 12 to 20 lakh segment. Tata Motors sold about 65,000 EVs in FY25, a drop of 10 per cent compared to FY24. Acknowledging that in the short term, Tata Motors will face challenges, Chandra said that the decline in the company's market was pretty much on the cards as many players have come with multiple products with around 20 models in the market, including luxury cars.
He also noted that the passenger EV market in the country is now segmented into four pricing categories - ₹ 8-12 lakh; ₹ 12 to 20 lakh; above ₹ 20 lakh, and the fleet segment. "A big part of the loss in volume has come because of the loss of volume in the fleet segment. In the personal segment, we have been kind of sustaining our volumes, but we are losing market share because the competition is coming in," he noted. Tata Motors' EV plan: What's ahead
Chandra has elaborated on how the auto company is preparing to regain its overall market share in the Indian electric passenger vehicle segment. He said that in the ₹ 8-12 lakh segment, where it has Tiago EV, Tigor EV and Punch EV, the OEM owns 75 per cent market share and is very comfortable. However, it aims to expand this segment with the value proposition of the existing products. This hints at upcoming updated iterations of the Tiago EV, Tigor EV and Punch EV.
According to Chandra, the ₹ 12-20 lakh segment is the most crowded space where all the players have positioned one product or the other. 'Here, our market share has come down to 33-35 per cent. This is where we are trying to bring more compelling options with two products that we have here, Nexon EV and Curvv EV, to fiercely compete in this segment," he explained.
The Tata Motors official also said that there is another segment beyond ₹ 20 lakh, which is emerging fast, and the company is seeing the appetite of people also here to buy electric cars. 'This is the segment we are not present in right now. This is where we'll come with Harrier EV and then Sierra EV. So, that will open a new segment for us, and that should strengthen our volume growth further," he added.
Check out Upcoming EV Cars in India.
First Published Date: 26 May 2025, 08:13 AM IST
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Scroll.in
20 minutes ago
- Scroll.in
Turkiye's support for Pakistan signals a bigger neighbourhood problem for India
In the recent India-Pakistan military conflict, Turkiye stood steadfast in offering unambiguous support to Pakistan before and after the conflict. Sources close to the Turkish government claimed that Turkish cargo planes carried military supplies to Pakistan, although this was denied by Turkish officials. This is one of the loudest statements Turkiye has made in a long time, marking a clear departure from its previously stated Asia Anew Initiative, as Turkiye reprioritises security over trade in its South Asia policy. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has spoken several times since then, reiterating his country's support for Pakistan. Turkiye has clearly made up its mind on how it looks at South Asia and who it sees fit to support in the region. This has not happened overnight. Nor is it temporary. Turkiye is operating within its conception of a 'securitised South Asia,' where its national security is linked to the region. Nearly all statements coming from Turkiye after the Indian military action have condemned the 'provocative steps' and claimed that strikes inside Pakistan raised 'the risk of an all-out war'. No other Muslim or Arab nation, except Azerbaijan, issued a direct condemnation of the Indian operation. Turkiye and Pakistan share predicament There is general agreement that in the post-Cold War era, both Turkiye and Pakistan have lost their relevance to the Western security architecture. Both have been searching for ways to stay relevant in the changing security landscape. Turkiye's NATO allies have been harsh in their criticism of its growing ties with Russia, particularly after it purchased the S-400 missile defence system. Its allies have denied Turkiye crucial defence technologies and supplies to the extent that in today's Middle East, non-NATO members Israel and the UAE have received the best of NATO defence technology, which Turkiye has been denied, including the F-35. Pakistan, too, is vulnerably dependent on the Chinese defence industry – its only option after the West abandoned it. Turkiye's Pakistan policy may not be India-centric, but they need each other because they have few allies. The bigger question, however, is whether Turkiye can or should have a Pakistan policy at the expense of its relations with India. Choosing Pakistan over India There is an unspoken consensus in Ankara and Riyadh that Pakistan is far too important to be written off. Islamabad has already become Turkiye's most important defence ally outside NATO. However, this has come at a heavy cost: an antagonised India. Almost every Muslim nation, not just Turkiye, faces the same dilemma. Saudi Arabia and the UAE have, however, successfully de-hypenated their relations with India and Pakistan. Turkiye tried to maintain a degree of ambiguity about its relations with Pakistan for a long time and sought close and confident ties with India. Turkiye's offer to India was equally important, as it involved strategic relations with New Delhi in exchange for the normalisation of ties with Pakistan, including a peaceful resolution of their disputes over Jammu and Kashmir. For that, the Turkish president used all possible tactics to bring New Delhi on board, which mostly resulted in public and diplomatic backlash. The period 2019-2022 could be counted as the lowest point in Turkiye-India relations when the two countries waged a massive media campaign against each other. This was in the wake of the revocation of the special status accorded to Jammu and Kashmir within the Indian federal structure. Since 2022, there have been signs of withdrawals on the Turkish side as India gave Turkiye a clear message that Turkiye's special ties with Pakistan and supporting its Kashmir politics are the biggest obstacles in India-Turkiye relations. In 2022, Turkiye and Pakistan supported Azerbaijan in the Nagorno-Karabakh war. Armenia, defeated and isolated, rushed to India for crucial defence supplies, including India's indigenous air defence system, Akash. Not just Armenia, India quickly reached out to Turkiye's regional rivals and detractors, Iran, Greece, Cyprus, UAE and Israel, seeking close defence and strategic relations. Many in Delhi explained this as a reaction to Turkiye's defence relations with Pakistan, Bangladesh, and the Maldives. Turkiye's rising influence in its immediate neighbourhood may challenge India's interests. By aggressively marketing its defence sector in Asia, Turkiye has attracted new clients and potential allies whose perspectives on regional security may differ from those of Delhi. India's foreign policy has gradually shifted. India has started reimagining itself as a resurgent power, taking pride in self-reliance (Atmanirbhar Bharat). 'India First' becomes India alone In the ruling party's ideological discourse, India First has always been echoed as a slogan, which means India's interests are the supreme objectives of its new foreign policy. Realist pundits in New Delhi have often defined, even exaggerated, 'India First' as 'India Alone'. This contradicts a previously practised the ' Gujral Doctrine ' that offered support to the neighbouring countries without expectation of reciprocity. India's geopolitical imagination of itself is even more complex. It goes well beyond the boundaries of its existing nation-state. Today, India sees itself as a reduced geographical version of a larger civilisational India. These two imaginations of India – 'India First' and India as the magnanimous neigbour seeking no reciprocity – demand distinct and occasionally contradictory foreign policies. 'India First' represents that realism that originates from the perceived trauma of the dismemberment or shrinking of a civilisational India. On the other hand, Turkiye and China are aggressively advancing transnational foreign policies by instrumentalising their Turkic and Ottoman pasts and the Belt and Road Initiative, respectively. Under Narendra Modi, India has successfully built bilateral partnerships worldwide, leaving regional cooperation forums, including the South Asian Association forRegional Cooperation (SAARC), mostly unattended or underrepresented. India's growing disinterest in regional cooperation forums has allowed India's neighbours to look beyond India. This has provided an opportunity for China, Turkiye, and the United States to ignore India's regional leadership in South Asia. India must be worried that the securitisation of South Asia has helped China, Turkiye, and other powers find new defence partnerships in its neighbourhood. The change was coming gradually and silently, away from the glare of diplomatic crises. The end of ambiguity in Turkiye's South Asia policy and the burgeoning Turkiye-Pakistan defence relations is a new reality that India must deal with. What is apparent, however, is that India does not have a Turkiye policy beyond transactional interests and temporary anger, which is insufficient to counter a rising power like Turkiye. It might need its allies within the Arab and Islamic world, particularly Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Indonesia to discourage Turkiye from its South Asian ambitions. Yildirim Beyazit University. He is also the Director of Research at the International Dialogue and Diplomacy Foundation in New Delhi.
United News of India
21 minutes ago
- United News of India
Proposed 50 pc hike in US steel, aluminum import tariffs to be significant bearing on India's steel exports: FIEO Prez
Hyderabad, May 31 (UNI) Federation of Indian Export Organisations (FIEO) on Saturday expressed concern over the recent announcement by the US President to double import tariffs on steel and aluminium from 25 to 50 percent, citing potential disruption to India's steel and aluminium exports, particularly in value-added and finished steel products and auto components. While reacting over the development, FIEO President S C Ralhan stated in a statement that the proposed increase in US steel and aluminum import tariffs will have a significant bearing on India's steel exports, especially in semi-finished and finished categories like stainless steel pipes, structural steel components and automotive steel parts. These products are part of India's growing engineering exports, and higher duties could erode our price competitiveness in the American market. India exported around US 6.2 billion Dollar worth of steel and finished steel products to the US in FY2024-25 including a widerange of engineered and fabricated steel components and about USD 0.86 billion of aluminum and its products. The US is among the top destinations for Indian steel manufacturers, who have been gradually increasing marketshare through high-quality production and competitive pricing. The FIEO President said, "while we understand that the decision stems from domestic policy considerations in the US, such sharp increases in tariffs send discouraging signals to global trade and manufacturing supply chains. "We urge the government to take up the issue at the bilateral level to ensure that Indian exporters are not unfairly disadvantaged more so far the shipments, as 25 percent additional duty will be a huge burden, which is difficult to be absorbed by the exporter / importer," he said. The FIEO Chief also emphasized the need for Indian exporters to diversify their markets and invest in higher-grade value-added products to mitigate the impact of such protectionist measures. UNI KNR SS
New Indian Express
24 minutes ago
- New Indian Express
Russia to deliver remaining two S-400 regiments to India in 2026
NEW DELHI: India is to get the remaining two regiments of the S-400 strategic air defence missile system from Russia in 2026. A source in the defence establishment said, "India will be receiving the fourth and fifth regiment of the S-400 Triumf air defense missile system from Russia in February 2026 and August 2026, respectively." The missile performed well in Operation Sindoor against Pakistan, intercepting Pakistani drones and missiles. There are talks ongoing for additional batteries of the missile system. The $5.43 billion contract for five regiments was inked in 2018. Three are already deployed along the western and northern fronts, bordering Pakistan and China, respectively. India had received the first regiment in December 2021, while the second and third were delivered in April 2022 and October 2023, respectively. After induction, it was re-christened as "Sudarshan Chakra". Going by information shared by the Indian government, the acquisition was to be completed by 2023.
