Best and funniest signs from mass No Kings protests against Trump
A stone throw's away from the American embassy in Amsterdam this weekend was held a "No Kings" protest. Except it was dubbed "No Tyrants", as countries with constitutional monarchies sought to avoid confusion with anti-monarchic movements.
This was one among thousands of similar protests that occurred over the weekend, all with the aim to denounce Donald Trump's overreach and to reject 'authoritarianism, billionaire-first politics, and the militarization of (US) democracy.'
The rallies, which follow the Hands Off! protests and the marches triggered by Trump sending in the National Guard in LA, were also a direct response to a military parade rolling through Washington that celebrated the US Army's 250th anniversary – and handily coincided with Trump's 79th birthday.
The last US military parade was held by President George HW Bush in June 1991, celebrating the victory in the Gulf War.
More than 2,000 protests were scheduled across all 50 US states last Saturday and organizers estimate that more than five million people participated. Several European territories like Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Ireland, UK and Belgium saw protests organized by Democrats Abroad – and the Netherlands was no different.
Outside the US consulate in Amsterdam gathered a few hundred people, and it was inspiring to see this crowd mobilize and to witness their fighting spirit.
The speeches were short but passionate; the singing of 'America (My Country 'Tis of Thee)' was heartwarming; and the megaphoned demand that demonstrators take six steps back to avoid being on the bike path was one of the perfect and Dutch-appropriate interjections I've ever heard.
The protest signs also showcased the creativity, humour and passion of those involved. Here are some of the best placards I saw at the Amsterdam's "No Tyrants" protest - and stay until the end for the cutest protestor ever:
As part a growing new wave of Romanian cinema gaining international acclaim and a plethora of awards, Enescu, Skinned Alive, directed by Toma Enache, is now showing across Europe, with a recent screening at Lyon's historic arthouse Comoedia cinema.
The biopic explores the complex personal life and creative genius of the revered Romanian composer George Enescu, whose legacy looms large in Romania but has rarely been portrayed on the silver screen. Central to the film is his love affair with Princess Maruca Cantacuzino - a relationship often misunderstood or sidelined in historical accounts.
Director Toma Enache said he was inspired to make the film after visiting the George Enescu Memorial House: "When I got to the museum with his name, and I saw a photo of him, with his dog by his side, in the hotel room where he died alone, I told myself I must do a movie dedicated to George Enescu."
"This wonder kid, same as Mozart, would compose at the age of 5, then go study at the Vienna Conservatory at the age of 8. Just 2 children under 8 have ever been admitted in the history of the conservatory and Enescu is one of them," he added.
"Although his violin playing was the stuff of legend, he saw himself mainly as a composer. During the course of his extraordinary life he played to Brahms, studied with Fauré and Massenet, and knew Bartok, Strauss, Ravel, Debussy and Shostakovich. Pablo Casals, whom he accompanied on the piano, called him "the greatest musical phenomenon since Mozart".
George Enescu was the man described by the acclaimed violinist Sir Yehudi Menuhin as "the Absolute by which I judge all others... the most extraordinary human being, the greatest musician and the most formative influence I have ever experienced."
The film also aims to reframe the legacy of Princess Maruca, often depicted in negative terms. Actress Theodora Sandu, who plays the role, said she felt a responsibility to offer a more empathetic portrayal: "It was sort of my task to paint her an image that the public didn't really know because history books have not written very kindly of her, so I tried in a way to protect her image and give a different perspective on her life and the love story between her and George Enescu."
The soundtrack includes works by George Enescu but also original music, composed by Sebastian Androne-Nakanishi, winner of the 2022 Composer of the Year title of the International Classic Music Awards.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
France 24
2 hours ago
- France 24
Explainer: US bunker-buster bombs and Iran's underground nuclear facilities
If the US decides to support Israel more directly in its attack on Iran, one option for Washington would be to provide the 'bunker-buster' bombs believed necessary to significantly damage the Fordo nuclear fuel enrichment plant, built deeply into a mountain. Such a bomb would have to be dropped from an American aircraft, which could have wide-ranging ramifications, including jeopardizing any chance of Iran engaging in Trump's desired talks on its nuclear program. Israeli officials have also suggested that there are other options for it to attack Fordo as it seeks to destroy Iran's nuclear capabilities. But aside from a commando attack on the ground or a nuclear strike, the bunker buster bomb seems the most likely option. 'Bunker buster' is a broad term used to describe bombs that are designed to penetrate deep below the surface before exploding. In this case, it refers to the latest GBU-57 A/B Massive Ordnance Penetrator bomb in the American arsenal. The roughly 30,000 pound (13,600 kilogram) precision-guided bomb is designed to attack deeply buried and hardened bunkers and tunnels, according to the US Air Force. It's believed to be able to penetrate about 200 feet (61 meters) below the surface before exploding, and the bombs can be dropped one after another, effectively drilling deeper and deeper with each successive blast. The bomb carries a conventional warhead, but the International Atomic Energy Agency has confirmed that Iran is producing highly enriched uranium at Fordo, raising the possibility that nuclear material could be released into the area if the GBU-57 A/B were used to hit the facility. However, Israeli strikes at another Iranian nuclear site, Natanz, on a centrifuge site have caused contamination only at the site itself, not the surrounding area, the IAEA has said. Fordo is Iran's second nuclear enrichment facility after Natanz, its main facility. So far, Israeli strikes aren't known to have damaged Natanz's underground enrichment hall, nor have the Israelis targeted tunnels the Iranians are digging nearby. Fordo is smaller than Natanz, and is built into the side of a mountain near the city of Qom, about 60 miles (95 kilometres) southwest of Tehran. Construction is believed to have started around 2006 and it became first operational in 2009 – the same year Tehran publicly acknowledged its existence. In addition to being an estimated 80 meters (260 feet) under rock and soil, the site is reportedly protected by Iranian and Russian surface-to-air missile systems. Those air defenses, however, likely have already been struck in the Israeli campaign. Still, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has said the goal of attacking Iran was to eliminate its missile and nuclear program, which he described as an existential threat to Israel, and officials have said Fordo was part of that plan. "This entire operation ... really has to be completed with the elimination of Fordo,' Yechiel Leiter, Israel's ambassador to the US, told Fox News on Friday. In theory, the GBU-57 A/B could be dropped by any bomber capable of carrying the weight, but at the moment the US has only configured and programed its B-2 Spirit stealth bomber to deliver the bomb, according to the Air Force. The B-2 is only flown by the Air Force, and is produced by Northrop Grumman. According to the manufacturer, the B-2 can carry a payload of 40,000 pounds (18,000 kilograms) but the US Air Force has said it has successfully tested the B-2 loaded with two GBU-57 A/B bunker busters – a total weight of some 60,000 pounds (27,200 kilograms). The strategic long-range heavy bomber has a range of about 7,000 miles (11,000 kilometres) without refuelling and 11,500 miles (18,500 kilometres) with one refuelling, and can reach any point in the world within hours, according to Northrop Grumman. Whether the US would get involved is another matter. At the G7 meeting in Canada, Trump was asked what it would take for Washington to become involved militarily and he said: 'I don't want to talk about that.' In a weekend interview with ABC News, Israeli Ambassador Leiter was asked about the possibility of the US helping attack Fordo and he emphasized Israel has only asked the US for defensive help. 'We have a number of contingencies ... which will enable us to deal with Fordo,' he said. 'Not everything is a matter of, you know, taking to the skies and bombing from afar."
Euronews
3 hours ago
- Euronews
US action against Iran would fuel 'broader conflict', Kallas warns
Potential military involvement by the United States in the military escalation between Israel and Iran would "definitely drag" the entire Middle East into a wider, more dangerous conflict, High Representative Kaja Kallas has said. Her warning came after Donald Trump openly suggested his country, a staunch backer of Israel, might take a hands-on approach to end the hostilities. "We're not involved in it. It's possible we could get involved. But we are not at this moment involved," Trump told ABC News on Sunday. He later said the US would be "gloves off" if Iran were to "touch our troops". On Tuesday, Kallas made clear the European Union would not back America's armed intervention. "When it comes to the United States getting involved, then it will definitely drag the region into broader conflict. And this is in nobody's interest," Kallas said in Brussels after hosting a video conference with the EU's 27 foreign affairs ministers. "And from my call with Secretary of State Rubio, he emphasised that it's also not in their interest to be drawn into this conflict," she added, referring to the conversation she had on Monday with her US counterpart. "We are constantly pushing to stop this war because the risks (of) escalation and the risks of spillover effect are too great. Also, the risks of miscalculation, which is making this conflict even bigger." Kallas also weighed in on Trump's stated goal of wanting a "real end" to the conflict that would see Iran giving up its nuclear programme "entirely". The comments appeared to be at odds with the EU's long-held position of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons while permitting civilian uses. "We're looking at better than a ceasefire," Trump said after leaving early the G7 summit in Canada. "A real end. Not a ceasefire. An end." The 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), also known as the Iran nuclear deal, was designed to curtail the country's nuclear programme and keep it exclusively peaceful in exchange for sanctions relief. But after Trump disavowed the deal in his first mandate, Iran began enriching uranium to levels that seemed to exceed any civilian purposes, causing worldwide alarm and condemnation. Last week, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) found Iran was not complying with its non-proliferation obligations for the first time in 20 years. "A diplomatic solution is the best way to address Iran's programme in the long run, and Europe stands ready to play its part," Kallas said. "We cannot be lenient when Iran accelerates its nuclear programme." Following the video call with foreign affairs ministers, Kallas doubled down on her previous calls for maximum restraint and immediate de-escalation, without adding any new element that could expand the bloc's limited role in the Israel-Iran conflict. So far, Europeans have been largely on the political sidelines of the escalation. The most concrete development was the activation of the EU's Civil Protection Mechanism, which is used to coordinate emergency assistance for natural disasters, such as wildfires and floods, and man-made crises, like wars. "We have activated the Civil Protection Mechanism, and we are assisting member states to evacuate their citizens that wish to leave," Kallas said, noting that not all EU countries had the necessary planes to carry out the evacuations. "In parallel, we stand ready to deploy civil protection experts, and our naval operation ASPIDES (in the Red Sea) continues to protect merchant ships from Houthi attacks while providing valuable situational awareness." Kallas said the EU would not "let our focus on Gaza slip" and urged "immediate" and "full" access to humanitarian aid, which Israel has heavily restricted. But she refrained from providing details of the ongoing review of the EU-Israel Association Agreement and how the strikes against Iran might influence the discussions. During the press conference, Kallas was asked whether the market turbulence caused by the Middle East could derail the bloc's plan to lower the price cap on Russia's seaborne crude oil from $60 per barrel to $45 per barrel. The price cap was a ground-breaking measure established by G7 allies to curtail a crucial source of revenues behind Russia's war on Ukraine. Last week, the European Commission formally proposed a downward revision of the cap to further tighten the screws on the Kremlin. The pitch, crucially, has not yet received US backing. Diplomats in Brussels have suggested that, as a result, the review of the cap could be discarded to focus on the remaining elements of the 18th package of sanctions. But Kallas believes the bloc should go it alone. "I think that we should move forward with the (lower) oil price cap, especially because of the tensions also in the Middle East," Kallas said, warning that if the conflict further increases global oil prices, Russia will be able to earn more money from its clients. "That means that they (will be) able to fund their war machine again on a bigger scale. So we definitely need to move on with the oil price gap." The High Representative also struck down Russia's suggestion of playing the role of moderator in the Israel-Iran conflict, arguing the invasion of Ukraine was a disqualifying factor. "Russia cannot be a mediator if they don't really believe in peace," she said. Ursula von der Leyen used her participation at the G7 summit in Kananaskis, Canada, to warn against a "new China shock" and denounce Beijing for perpetuating what she called a "pattern of dominance, dependency and blackmail" vis-à-vis its trading partners, in language seemingly designed to appeal to Donald Trump's agenda. China holds a quasi-monopolistic position over so-called rare earths, the 17 metallic elements that are crucial for advanced technologies. The country commands roughly 60% of the world's supply and 90% of the processing and refining capacity. "China is using this quasi-monopoly not only as a bargaining chip, but also weaponising it to undermine competitors in key industries," the president of the European Commission said during one of the meeting's thematic sessions. "We all witnessed the cost and consequences of China's coercion through export restrictions," she added, referring to Beijing's recent decision to curb sales of seven types of rare earth minerals, a situation Brussels had described as "alarming". The move was a response to Trump's sweeping tariffs, which caused a rapid escalation of tit-for-tat measures with China. Last week, the two sides announced a detente meant to bring down the spiralling duties and ease the export restrictions. "Relationship [with China] is excellent!" Trump said. But on Monday, von der Leyen sought to tap into the US-China rivalry to make the case for a "united" G7 front to counter Beijing's dominance with an "alternative network of trusted suppliers" and fresh investments in extraction and refining. "Even if there are signals that China may loosen its restrictions, the threat remains. But there are other distortions. We are seeing a new 'China shock'," she said. "A common G7 response increases our leverage – pressuring China to take more responsibility for the impact of its state-led growth model." Von der Leyen also blasted China for flooding global markets with "subsidised overcapacity that its market cannot absorb", name-checking the dispute over China-made electric vehicles that her Commission considers to be artificially cheaper. During another session at the summit, von der Leyen went further and declared that the source of "the biggest collective problem" in the global trading system dated back to China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. Beijing's entry into the WTO has been controversial, as it opened international markets to the mass production of low-cost exports. The admission is linked to the first "China shock" and a decline in manufacturing jobs in both Europe and the US. "China still defines itself as a developing country. This cannot be. China has largely shown that it unwillingness to live within the constraints of the rules-based international system," von der Leyen said. "While others opened their market, China focused (on) undercutting intellectual property protections, massive subsidies with the aim to dominate global manufacturing and supply chains," she went on. "This is not market competition – it is distortion with intent." Von der Leyen's hard-line approach echoes many of the grievances voiced by the Trump administration, which is bent on curbing China's rise as an economic superpower and bringing back manufacturing jobs of strategic importance. It also tampers down growing speculation of a EU-China reset ahead of a bilateral summit in late July. Von der Leyen's interventions were peppered with direct appeals to Trump, who was also present in the room, even if he left the summit one day earlier due to the military escalation between Israel and Iran. "Donald is right – there is a serious problem," she said, referring to China. In the immediate weeks following Trump's inauguration, von der Leyen and her team struggled to establish an open line to the White House, causing alarm in Brussels due to his disruptive positions on Russia, Ukraine, Greenland and the Middle East. Trump's self-styled "reciprocal tariffs" in early April opened a 90-day window of opportunity to strike a EU-US trade deal and yielded the long-awaited phone call between the two leaders, in which they agreed to fast-track negotiations. Still, talks are believed to be riddled with stark divergence and have made limited progress ahead of the 9 July deadline. Officials in the Trump administration have suggested the cut-off date might slip to allow greater space for negotiations. "On trade, we instructed the teams to accelerate their work to strike a good and fair deal," von der Leyen said on social media alongside a picture with Trump. "Let's get it done."
Euronews
4 hours ago
- Euronews
Von der Leyen blasts China's 'blackmail' in appeal to Trump at G7
Ursula von der Leyen used her participation at the G7 summit in Kananaskis, Canada, to warn against a "new China shock" and denounce Beijing for perpetuating what she called a "pattern of dominance, dependency and blackmail" vis-à-vis its trading partners, in language seemingly designed to appeal to Donald Trump's agenda. China holds a quasi-monopolistic position over so-called rare earths, the 17 metallic elements that are crucial for advanced technologies. The country commands roughly 60% of the world's supply and 90% of the processing and refining capacity. "China is using this quasi-monopoly not only as a bargaining chip, but also weaponising it to undermine competitors in key industries," the president of the European Commission said during one of the meeting's thematic sessions. "We all witnessed the cost and consequences of China's coercion through export restrictions," she added, referring to Beijing's recent decision to curb sales of seven types of rare earth minerals, a situation Brussels had described as "alarming". The move was a response to Trump's sweeping tariffs, which caused a rapid escalation of tit-for-tat measures with China. Last week, the two sides announced a detente meant to bring down the spiralling duties and ease the export restrictions. "Relationship [with China] is excellent!" Trump said. But on Monday, von der Leyen sought to tap into the US-China rivalry to make the case for a "united" G7 front to counter Beijing's dominance with an "alternative network of trusted suppliers" and fresh investments in extraction and refining. "Even if there are signals that China may loosen its restrictions, the threat remains. But there are other distortions. We are seeing a new 'China shock'," she said. "A common G7 response increases our leverage – pressuring China to take more responsibility for the impact of its state-led growth model." Von der Leyen also blasted China for flooding global markets with "subsidised overcapacity that its market cannot absorb", name-checking the dispute over China-made electric vehicles that her Commission considers to be artificially cheaper. During another session at the summit, von der Leyen went further and declared that the source of "the biggest collective problem" in the global trading system dated back to China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. Beijing's entry into the WTO has been controversial, as it opened international markets to the mass production of low-cost exports. The admission is linked to the first "China shock" and a decline in manufacturing jobs in both Europe and the US. "China still defines itself as a developing country. This cannot be. China has largely shown that it unwillingness to live within the constraints of the rules-based international system," von der Leyen said. "While others opened their market, China focused (on) undercutting intellectual property protections, massive subsidies with the aim to dominate global manufacturing and supply chains," she went on. "This is not market competition – it is distortion with intent." Von der Leyen's hard-line approach echoes many of the grievances voiced by the Trump administration, which is bent on curbing China's rise as an economic superpower and bringing back manufacturing jobs of strategic importance. It also tampers down growing speculation of a EU-China reset ahead of a bilateral summit in late July. Von der Leyen's interventions were peppered with direct appeals to Trump, who was also present in the room, even if he left the summit one day earlier due to the military escalation between Israel and Iran. "Donald is right – there is a serious problem," she said, referring to China. In the immediate weeks following Trump's inauguration, von der Leyen and her team struggled to establish an open line to the White House, causing alarm in Brussels due to his disruptive positions on Russia, Ukraine, Greenland and the Middle East. Trump's self-styled "reciprocal tariffs" in early April opened a 90-day window of opportunity to strike a EU-US trade deal and yielded the long-awaited phone call between the two leaders, in which they agreed to fast-track negotiations. Still, talks are believed to be riddled with stark divergence and have made limited progress ahead of the 9 July deadline. Officials in the Trump administration have suggested the cut-off date might slip to allow greater space for negotiations. "On trade, we instructed the teams to accelerate their work to strike a good and fair deal," von der Leyen said on social media alongside a picture with Trump. "Let's get it done." US officials estimate that Iran possesses the largest arsenal of ballistic missiles in the Middle East, with over 3,000 units. Some of these high-speed missiles can reach Israeli territory in as little as 15 minutes. However, only medium-range ballistic missiles—those capable of travelling over 1,000 km—can strike Israel from Iran. According to Iran's semi-official news agency ISNA, the country has nine different missile types with that capability. 'Most estimates I have seen put the number of Iranian missiles capable of hitting Israel closer to 2,000,' Dan Caldwell, a former senior adviser to US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth, posted on X this week. While much of Iran's missile arsenal remains classified, ISNA published a graphic in April last year showcasing some of its key weapons. These included the Sejil, which can reach speeds of over 17,000 km/h and has a range of 2,500 km; the Kheibar, with a 2,000 km range; and the Haj Qasem, with a range of 1,400 km. A recent threat assessment by the US military found that Iran fields a 'large quantity' of ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and drones capable of striking targets across the region. Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu claimed Iran intends to continue expanding this capacity. In a video statement on Friday, Netanyahu said Iran had accelerated production and was aiming to manufacture 300 ballistic missiles per month—potentially producing 20,000 rockets over the next six years. According to the latest estimates from SIPRI's Military Balance, Israel's defence budget in 2023 was more than double that of Iran—$27.5 billion compared to $10.3 billion. Iran's missile programme draws heavily from North Korean and Russian designs, and has reportedly benefited from Chinese assistance, according to the Arms Control Association, a Washington-based non-profit. It now has 610,000 active personnel and 350,000 reserves with the addition of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Iran also has 334 combat-capable aircraft, as well as air defence systems such as the Russian S-300, which has limited capabilities when it comes to defending against ballistic missiles. Israel, for its part, has developed one of the most advanced missile arsenals in the world, combining decades of homegrown innovation with strong support from the US. At the top end of this arsenal are long-range ballistic missiles such as the Jericho II and Jericho III. While the exact numbers are classified, the Jericho II is believed to be nuclear-capable with a range of around 1,500 kilometres, while the Jericho III may be able to reach targets over 6,000 kilometres away, giving Israel a strategic deterrent that extends far beyond its borders. Alongside these long-range systems, Israel has hundreds of short- and medium-range missiles designed for quick, precise strikes. These include the Predator Hawk, which can hit targets up to 300 kilometres away, and cruise missiles such as the Popeye and the Delilah, which are launched from the air or sea. In practice, each incoming missile usually requires its own interceptor missile to neutralise it. For example, if Iran were to launch 100 missiles, Israel would need to fire almost the same number of interceptors to stop them. 'The types of interceptors that are required to shoot down ballistic missiles are expensive and difficult to produce in mass quantities,' Dan Caldwell posted on X this week, adding that he think it likely that Israel and the US 'are going to have start rationing their interceptors soon (if they haven't already) - further increasing the effectiveness of even smaller Iranian barrages.' Its multibillion-dollar military arsenal also includes around 340 combat aircraft—among them advanced US-made F-35 stealth fighters—46 helicopters, a combined 634,500 active and reserve personnel, and a multilayered air defence system. Approximately 370 ballistic missiles have been launched by Iran at Israel since the conflict began on Friday, claims the Israel Defence Forces (IDF). On Saturday, an Israeli military official said that the country's air defence shield had an '80 to 90% success rate', while stressing that 'no system is 100% effective'—implying that some Iranian missiles had breached Israeli air defences, Reuters reported. The Iron Dome, Israel's well-known air defence system, is just one component of a broader system designed to counter a range of aerial threats, from rockets and missiles to drones and aircraft. The first layer, the Iron Dome, intercepts short-range rockets and artillery shells—typically within 70 kilometres—and is primarily used to protect civilian areas. Next is David's Sling, which targets medium-range ballistic missiles launched from distances between 100 and 200 kilometres. Finally, the Arrow system—comprising Arrow 2 and Arrow 3—provides long-range defence. Arrow 2 is designed to intercept missiles in the upper atmosphere, roughly 50 kilometres above ground and within a 100-kilometre radius. Arrow 3 pushes that boundary into space, capable of intercepting missiles at distances of up to 2,400 kilometres. Israel's Iron Dome, David's Sling and Arrow systems are all missile interceptors. This means that they are not designed to launch attacks, but rather to detect and destroy incoming missiles before they reach their targets. In practice, each incoming missile usually requires its own interceptor missile to neutralise it. For example, if Iran were to launch 100 missiles, Israel would likely need to fire almost 100 interceptors to stop them — one for each threat. However, despite all these protection layers, analysts argue that Israel's decision to target the heart of the Iranian regime is raising the stakes, as the latter could respond by striking other targets in neighbouring countries, thus escalating the conflict in the region, or by attempting to block trade in the Persian Gulf. 'If Israel continues to attack its nuclear and military facilities, Iran has a strong incentive to put together a rudimentary nuclear weapon as quickly as it can to deter any further damage of its facilities and demonstrate that it is capable of defending its sovereignty,' senior research fellow at Chatham House Dr Marion Messmer wrote in an analysis.
