
Centre using guvs, VCs to derail higher edu: Govindan
Govindan told reporters on Friday that VCs are being chosen based on affiliations with Sangh Parivar activities, marking an unprecedented development in the state's academic sphere.
On the state's education achievements, Govindan claimed that the state's institutions are making significant strides, with 16 of India's top-performing colleges located in Kerala, as per recent assessments. He said the NITI Aayog report also specially commended the state's performance in higher education.
He said the LDF govt prioritised educational development but its efforts are being subverted by the Centre through unconstitutional actions.
"Governors are being used as tools to execute the Sangh Parivar agenda in universities. Many VCs now appointed are regular participants in Sangh-backed conferences. This is a new and alarming trend in Kerala," Govindan said.
He defended the ongoing student protests across the state, stating that they are aimed at safeguarding Kerala's academic autonomy and constitutional values.
"VCs are now taking positions that go beyond their constitutional mandate. Students, youth and teachers are resisting this undemocratic trend with strong interventions," he said.
On the KEAM rank list controversy, Govindan admitted that the govt's intervention to provide more opportunities for students studying under the Kerala syllabus did not yield the intended results. "The move didn't work out in practice, and the delay in policy thinking was a factor.
The party advised the govt to make necessary corrections next time," he said.
He highlighted concerns that many students were adversely hit when their ranks dropped in the revised list, citing the example of a former top-ranker who fell to the seventh rank. "The govt must ensure that students from the Kerala syllabus are not pushed back in future admission processes. What happened this time should serve as a lesson," Govindan added. He said the corrective changes should have been reflected in the KEAM prospectus itself.

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Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
Delhi HC asks Centre to respond if X Corp ought to be part of Sahyog portal
New Delhi: The Delhi High Court has asked the Centre to respond to its query on whether social media platform X Corp . ought to be unexceptionally part of the Sahyog portal in cases involving human trafficking , child trafficking and national security-related issues. The court has asked the Centre to file its reply by September 10, addressing specifically this issue as well as a plea moved by X Corp., formerly known as Twitter, seeking discharge from the proceedings of a case and placing its opposition to come on board the Sahyog portal, which is managed by the home ministry's Indian Cyber Crime Coordination Centre (IC4). "Let the Union of India file its reply to the present application, addressing the specific issue i.e. as to whether in cases involving human trafficking, child trafficking and serious matters such as drug trafficking and national security-related issues are concerned, the applicant X Corp. ought to be unexceptionally part of the SAHYOG portal. Let the reply be filed by September 10, 2025," a bench of Justices Prathiba M Singh and Amit Sharma has said. The high court, in its August 12 order, took note of the challenge by X Corp. to the entire concept of the Sahyog portal and that its coming on board the portal is pending before the Karnataka High Court. However, the judgment is stated to be reserved. Sahyog, the government says, was developed to automate the process of sending notices to intermediaries by the appropriate government or its agency under the IT Act to facilitate the removal or disabling of access to any information, data or communication link being used to commit an unlawful act. The portal aims to bring together all authorised agencies and intermediaries on one platform to ensure immediate action against unlawful online information. The court was hearing a habeas corpus petition filed by a woman seeking directions to authorities to produce her 19-year-old son who has been missing since January 10, 2024. While dealing with several habeas corpus petitions, the court noticed that there was a "lag" between the seeking of information by police and the receipt of the same from various social media platforms. The court made it clear that the application of X Corp. arises in a habeas corpus petition, where there is a missing child, and the cooperation to be tendered by intermediaries and their participation in the SAHYOG portal is being considered from that perspective. X Corp. has sought its discharge from the present proceedings, citing its cooperation, and said its petition against the Sahyog portal is pending in the Karnataka High Court, which has reserved the judgment. The court observed that there was no impediment in hearing X Corp. as the Karnataka High Court has not passed any such order. The Centre's counsel had said while X Corp. moved the Karnataka High Court, 64 intermediaries had come aboard the Sahyog portal and the home ministry's IC4 had sent requests to others to follow suit. The counsel had urged the court to direct the remaining intermediaries to join the portal expeditiously. In a status report filed in the matter, the Centre had also said that more than 1,100 entities, including internet service providers, Facebook, WhatsApp and Microsoft, have joined the "API integrated system" for instantaneously sharing data. It had added that the system was at the testing and production stage and all states and Union territories had appointed nodal officers for the Sahyog portal. The report had said 33 "Virtual Digital Asset Service Providers" had also joined the portal.


News18
an hour ago
- News18
Mistrust, fear: Complex story behind strained Syria-Lebanon relations
Beirut, Aug 17 (AP) A lot has happened in just a year on both sides of the Lebanon-Syria border. A lightning offensive by Islamist insurgents in Syria toppled longtime autocrat Bashar Assad and brought a new government in place in Damascus. In Lebanon, a bruising war with Israel dealt a serious blow to Hezbollah — the Iran-backed and Assad-allied Shiite Lebanese militant group that had until recently been a powerful force in the Middle East — and a US-negotiated deal has brought a fragile ceasefire. Still, even after the fall of the 54-year Assad family rule, relations between Beirut and Damascus remain tense — as they have been for decades past, with Syria long failing to treat its smaller neighbour as a sovereign nation. Recent skirmishes along the border have killed and wounded several people, both fighters and civilians, including a four-year-old Lebanese girl. Beirut and Damascus have somewhat coordinated on border security, but attempts to reset political relations have been slow. Despite visits to Syria by two heads of Lebanon's government, no Syrian official has visited Lebanon. Here is what's behind the complicated relations. A coldness that goes way back Many Syrians have resented Hezbollah for wading into Syria's civil war in defence of Assad's government. Assad's fall sent them home, but many Lebanese now fear cross-border attacks by Syria's Islamic militants. There are new restrictions on Lebanese entering Syria, and Lebanon has maintained tough restrictions on Syrians entering Lebanon. The Lebanese also fear that Damascus could try to bring Lebanon under a new Syrian tutelage. Syrians have long seen Lebanon as a staging ground for anti-Syria activities, including hosting opposition figures before Hafez Assad — Bashar Assad's father — ascended to power in a bloodless 1970 coup. In 1976, Assad senior sent his troops to Lebanon, allegedly to bring peace as Lebanon was hurtling into a civil war that lasted until 1990. Once that ended, Syrian forces — much like a colonial power — remained in Lebanon for another 15 years. A signature of the Assad family rule, Syria's dreaded security agents disappeared and tortured dissidents to keep the country under their control. They did the same in Lebanon. 'Syrians feel that Lebanon is the main gateway for conspiracies against them," says Lebanese political analyst Ali Hamadeh. Turbulent times It took until 2008 for the two countries to agree to open diplomatic missions, marking Syria's first official recognition of Lebanon as an independent state since it gained independence from France in 1943. The move came after the 2005 truck-bombing assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri that many blamed on Damascus. Two months later, Syria pulled its troops out of Lebanon under international pressure, ending 29 years of near-complete domination of its neighbour. When Syria's own civil war erupted in 2011, hundreds of thousands of Syrians fled across the border, making crisis-hit Lebanon the host of the highest per capita population of refugees in the world. Once in Lebanon, the refugees complained about discrimination, including curfews for Syrian citizens in some areas. Hezbollah, meanwhile, rushed thousands of its fighters into Syria in 2013 to shore up Assad, worried that its supply lines from Iran could dry up. And as much as the Lebanese are divided over their country's internal politics, Syria's war divided them further into those supporting Assad's government and those opposing it. Distrust and deadlock A key obstacle to warming relations has been the fate of about 2,000 Syrians in Lebanese prisons, including some 800 held over attacks and shootings, many without trial. Damascus is asking Beirut to hand them over to continue their prison terms in Syria, but Lebanese judicial officials say Beirut won't release any attackers and that each must be studied and resolved separately. In July, family members of the detainees rallied along a border crossing, demanding their relatives be freed. The protest came amid reports that Syrian troops could deploy foreign fighters in Lebanon, which Damascus officials denied. Another obstacle is Lebanon's demand that Syrian refugees go back home now that Assad is gone. About 716,000 Syrian refugees are registered with the UN refugee agency, while hundreds of thousands more are unregistered in Lebanon, which has a population of about 5 million. Syria is also demanding the return of billions of dollars worth of deposits of Syrians trapped in Lebanese banks since Lebanon's historic financial meltdown in 2019. The worst post-Assad border skirmishes came in mid-March, when Syrian authorities said Hezbollah members crossed the border and kidnapped and killed three Syrian soldiers. The Lebanese government and army said the clash was between smugglers and that Hezbollah wasn't involved. Days later, Lebanese and Syrian defence ministers flew to Saudi Arabia and signed an agreement on border demarcation and boosting their coordination. In July, rumours spread in Lebanon, claiming the northern city of Tripoli would be given to Syria in return for Syria giving up the Golan Heights to Israel. And though officials dismissed the rumours, they illustrate the level of distrust between the neighbors. Beirut was also angered by Syria's appointment this year of a Lebanese army officer — Abdullah Shehadeh, who defected in 2014 from Lebanon to join Syrian insurgents — as the head of security in Syria's central province of Homs that borders northeastern Lebanon. In Syria, few were aware of Shehadeh's real name — he was simply known by his nom de guerre, Abu Youssef the Lebanese. Syrian security officials confirmed the appointment. What's ahead Analysts say an important step would be for the two neighbours to work jointly to boost security against cross-border smuggling. A US-backed plan that was recently adopted by the Lebanese government calls for moving toward full demarcation of the border. Radwan Ziadeh, a senior fellow at the Arab Center in Washington, says the best way forward would be for Syria and Lebanon to address each problem between them individually — not as a package deal. top videos View all That way, tensions would be reduced gradually, he said and downplayed recent comments by prominent Syrian anti-Assad figures who claimed Lebanon is part of Syria and should return to it. 'These are individual voices that do not represent the Syrian state," Zaideh said. (AP) GRS GRS (This story has not been edited by News18 staff and is published from a syndicated news agency feed - PTI) view comments First Published: August 17, 2025, 11:45 IST News agency-feeds Mistrust, fear: Complex story behind strained Syria-Lebanon relations Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.


Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
Mistrust and fear: The complex story behind strained Syria-Lebanon relations
A lot has happened in just a year on both sides of the Lebanon-Syria border. A lightning offensive by Islamist insurgents in Syria toppled longtime autocrat Bashar Assad and brought a new government in place in Damascus. In Lebanon , a bruising war with Israel dealt a serious blow to Hezbollah - the Iran-backed and Assad-allied Shiite Lebanese militant group that had until recently been a powerful force in the Middle East - and a U.S.-negotiated deal has brought a fragile ceasefire. Still, even after the fall of the 54-year Assad family rule, relations between Beirut and Damascus remain tense - as they have been for decades past, with Syria long failing to treat its smaller neighbor as a sovereign nation. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Undo Recent skirmishes along the border have killed and wounded several people, both fighters and civilians, including a four-year-old Lebanese girl. Beirut and Damascus have somewhat coordinated on border security, but attempts to reset political relations have been slow. Despite visits to Syria by two heads of Lebanon's government, no Syrian official has visited Lebanon. Here is what's behind the complicated relations. Live Events A coldness that goes way back Many Syrians have resented Hezbollah for wading into Syria's civil war in defense of Assad's government. Assad's fall sent them home, but many Lebanese now fear cross-border attacks by Syria's Islamic militants. There are new restrictions on Lebanese entering Syria, and Lebanon has maintained tough restrictions on Syrians entering Lebanon. The Lebanese also fear that Damascus could try to bring Lebanon under a new Syrian tutelage. Syrians have long seen Lebanon as a staging ground for anti-Syria activities, including hosting opposition figures before Hafez Assad - Bashar Assad's father - ascended to power in a bloodless 1970 coup. In 1976, Assad senior sent his troops to Lebanon, allegedly to bring peace as Lebanon was hurtling into a civil war that lasted until 1990. Once that ended, Syrian forces - much like a colonial power - remained in Lebanon for another 15 years. A signature of the Assad family rule, Syria's dreaded security agents disappeared and tortured dissidents to keep the country under their control. They did the same in Lebanon. "Syrians feel that Lebanon is the main gateway for conspiracies against them," says Lebanese political analyst Ali Hamadeh. Turbulent times It took until 2008 for the two countries to agree to open diplomatic missions, marking Syria's first official recognition of Lebanon as an independent state since it gained independence from France in 1943. The move came after the 2005 truck-bombing assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri that many blamed on Damascus. Two months later, Syria pulled its troops out of Lebanon under international pressure, ending 29 years of near-complete domination of its neighbor. When Syria's own civil war erupted in 2011, hundreds of thousands of Syrians fled across the border, making crisis-hit Lebanon the host of the highest per capita population of refugees in the world. Once in Lebanon, the refugees complained about discrimination, including curfews for Syrian citizens in some areas. Hezbollah, meanwhile, rushed thousands of its fighters into Syria in 2013 to shore up Assad, worried that its supply lines from Iran could dry up. And as much as the Lebanese are divided over their country's internal politics, Syria's war divided them further into those supporting Assad's government and those opposing it. Distrust and deadlock A key obstacle to warming relations has been the fate of about 2,000 Syrians in Lebanese prisons, including some 800 held over attacks and shootings, many without trial. Damascus is asking Beirut to hand them over to continue their prison terms in Syria, but Lebanese judicial officials say Beirut won't release any attackers and that each must be studied and resolved separately. In July, family members of the detainees rallied along a border crossing, demanding their relatives be freed. The protest came amid reports that Syrian troops could deploy foreign fighters in Lebanon, which Damascus officials denied. Another obstacle is Lebanon's demand that Syrian refugees go back home now that Assad is gone. About 716,000 Syrian refugees are registered with the U.N. refugee agency, while hundreds of thousands more are unregistered in Lebanon, which has a population of about 5 million. Syria is also demanding the return of billions of dollars worth of deposits of Syrians trapped in Lebanese banks since Lebanon's historic financial meltdown in 2019. The worst post-Assad border skirmishes came in mid-March, when Syrian authorities said Hezbollah members crossed the border and kidnapped and killed three Syrian soldiers. The Lebanese government and army said the clash was between smugglers and that Hezbollah wasn't involved. Days later, Lebanese and Syrian defense ministers flew to Saudi Arabia and signed an agreement on border demarcation and boosting their coordination. In July, rumors spread in Lebanon, claiming the northern city of Tripoli would be given to Syria in return for Syria giving up the Golan Heights to Israel. And though officials dismissed the rumors, they illustrate the level of distrust between the neighbors. Beirut was also angered by Syria's appointment this year of a Lebanese army officer - Abdullah Shehadeh, who defected in 2014 from Lebanon to join Syrian insurgents - as the head of security in Syria's central province of Homs that borders northeastern Lebanon. In Syria, few were aware of Shehadeh's real name - he was simply known by his nom de guerre, Abu Youssef the Lebanese. Syrian security officials confirmed the appointment. What's ahead Analysts say an important step would be for the two neighbors to work jointly to boost security against cross-border smuggling. A U.S.-backed plan that was recently adopted by the Lebanese government calls for moving toward full demarcation of the border. Radwan Ziadeh, a senior fellow at the Arab Center in Washington, says the best way forward would be for Syria and Lebanon to address each problem between them individually - not as a package deal. That way, tensions would be reduced gradually, he said and downplayed recent comments by prominent Syrian anti-Assad figures who claimed Lebanon is part of Syria and should return to it. "These are individual voices that do not represent the Syrian state," Zaideh said.