
FOCUS: Nippon Steel buyout spat hints at business fragility in U.S.
U.S. President Donald Trump's bid to attract investment threatens to undermine the appetite for corporate spending in an ironic twist, with the 18-month saga over Nippon Steel Corp.'s buyout of United States Steel Corp. showing the growing vulnerability of businesses in the U.S. market, according to analysts.
The U.S. administration's earlier blocking of the $14.1 billion takeover deal was clearly driven by political motives and corporate executives will no longer be able to make decisions regarding their U.S. operations based only business criteria, they said.
The wrangling in the high-profile case could lead global companies to think twice about making sizeable investments and acquisitions in the world's largest economy, with many moving to reduce their exposure to the U.S. market.
"I do think many companies are pausing investments and major capital expenditures, not only because of the Nippon-U.S. Steel deal but due to general uncertainty surrounding political and economic dynamics in Washington," said Zack Cooper, senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.
Trump had repeatedly rejected Nippon Steel's plan to take full control of U.S. Steel.
But Nippon Steel, the world's fourth-largest steel producer, and U.S. Steel, the 29th largest, said Wednesday following Trump's approval of the buyout plan that they had signed a national security agreement with the U.S. government and finalized the acquisition transaction.
Under the deal, the Japanese steelmaker is obliged to invest $11 billion by 2028 on bolstering the U.S. steelmaker's operations, far more than the previously planned $2.7 billion.
The U.S. government also obtained a golden share allowing it to veto key management decisions, such as when reducing investment, shedding production capacity in the United States or closing plants.
Nippon Steel CEO Eiji Hashimoto told a press conference on Thursday that his company had learned from a year and a half of negotiations with the U.S. government that a flexible management strategy is required.
The top executive said it had been believed that governments should not get involved in business deals.
"But now...governments are strengthening their involvement in economic and business matters through industrial policy," he said.
Trump's predecessor, Joe Biden, initially blocked the purchase of U.S. Steel on national security grounds, saying the manufacturing icon, based in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania -- a key battleground state in the 2024 presidential election -- should be "American-owned and American-operated."
Trump also opposed the deal during the presidential race, saying the acquisition of a minority stake in U.S. Steel would not cause any issues, but foreign ownership of the company would not be good psychologically. He ordered a new review of the deal by the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States in April with a deadline for Trump to make a final decision initially set for June 5.
"Because predictability is insanely low right now in the United States, Japanese companies are going to cut back the percentage of their business in the country," said Keisuke Hanyuda, the chief executive of Owls Consulting Group.
While rising costs must be dealt with, "The last thing a business wants is to lose predictability," said Hanyuda, a former Japanese trade ministry official in charge of trade talks.
Nippon Steel is betting on firm demand for high-tensile strength steel in the U.S. market, capitalizing on its advanced production technology for high-end steel plates used in products such as electric vehicles.
The United States is one of three growth markets for the Japanese steelmaker, compensating for shrinking domestic demand.
Under Trump, the steel, aluminum, auto and semiconductor sectors have been targeted by specific tariffs driven by political pressures and companies in these industries should consider other markets for growth to hedge their risks, analysts say.
Earlier this month, Trump signed an order doubling the tariffs on steel and aluminum imports to 50 percent.
"I think Japanese companies will have a difficult time purchasing famous American companies in sectors that President Trump prioritizes, such as autos, steel, aluminum, and chipmaking," Cooper at the American Enterprise Institute said, though investment in other sectors may still be viable.
"But any Japanese company that is considering a major deal in the United States should develop a detailed political strategy before announcing a deal, lest they suffer similar roadblocks as Nippon Steel," he said.
The United States remains a lucrative market with high growth potential but some global companies are beginning to reduce their reliance on it after the tariffs imposed by Trump, Hanyuda said.
The European Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, for example, have resumed economic partnership negotiations, while the EU is also looking at Japan, which is part of a trans-Pacific free trade pact that took effect in 2018 without the United States.
Related coverage:
U.S. Steel's strategic importance growing: Nippon Steel CEO
Nippon Steel finalizes deal to make U.S. Steel wholly owned
Trump effectively approves Nippon Steel's takeover of U.S. Steel
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Nikkei Asia
an hour ago
- Nikkei Asia
Japan automakers start to pass on Trump tariff costs to US consumers
Passenger cars waiting to be shipped to North America. Japanese automakers until recently absorbed the tariffs to keep U.S. retail prices steady. (Photo by Wataru Ito) SHUNSUKE USHIGOME August 21, 2025 00:42 JST TOKYO -- Japanese automakers are passing some of the expense of U.S. tariffs through to American car buyers, a change from their strategy of absorbing the impact, new data shows.


Yomiuri Shimbun
2 hours ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
South Korea President Hints at Prizing Japan Over Tradition, Ahead of Visits to Japan, United States
SEOUL — South Korean President Lee Jae Myung implied that his decision to visit Japan before the United States shows a willingness to buck convention and reflects a practical diplomacy that prioritizes national interests. Lee hinted at this stance during an interview with The Yomiuri Shimbun on Tuesday. Lee is scheduled to visit Japan on Saturday and Sunday and then travel to the United States for a three-day visit from Sunday. It is unusual for a South Korean president to visit Japan before the United States, a key ally. In their first face-to-face meeting on the sidelines of the Group of Seven summit meeting in June, Lee and Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba agreed to a policy of steadily improving their countries' ties through close communication, including reciprocal visits of their heads of government. Lee explained that he decided to visit Japan before the United States to 'put into practice' what he and Ishiba agreed on during the June meeting. Quoting a Korean proverb that means, 'Out of sight, out of mind,' Lee stressed the significance of reciprocal visits. 'The more often we see each other, the closer we become and the more trust we can build,' he said. 'I hope the Japanese prime minister will also visit South Korea when his schedule allows, so that we can strengthen our substantive cooperation through frequent exchanges,' he added. Lee also said he intended to exchange views with Ishiba on 'areas of mutual benefit, such as economic and sociocultural issues, private-sector exchanges, the environment and security.' He added that trilateral cooperation among Japan, the United States and South Korea, along with the U.S.-South Korea alliance, 'will be a fundamental axis in the economic and security fields,' indicating he will link his visit to Japan and to the United States to trilateral cooperation.


The Diplomat
3 hours ago
- The Diplomat
China Slowly Making Security Inroads in Southeast Asia, Report Says
While the U.S. is still the region's security partner of choice, Sydney's Lowy Institute has noted a growing divide between mainland and maritime Southeast Asia. China's efforts to build up its security engagement with the nations of Southeast Asia are starting to make progress, Sydney's Lowy Institute Analysis said in a new report, although the United States remains by far the region's most influential security player. The report, published yesterday, analyzed Southeast Asia's defense agreements, dialogues, and joint military exercises with ten countries: Australia, Canada, China, France, India, Japan, Russia, South Korea, the United Kingdom, and the United States. It noted a broad expansion of these engagements over the past decade, as Southeast Asian nations have sought to diversify their defense partnerships in a context of growing strategic competition between China and the United States. As a result, the report said, 'the landscape for defense cooperation in Southeast Asia is becoming more complex and contested.' An important part of this, as the report notes, has been China's attempts to bolster its defense engagement with the region, as a complement to its strong economic and trade ties. While this is intended to challenge the predominance that the U.S. has enjoyed since the end of World War II, Beijing's efforts have had patchy results. According to the Lowy Institute's analysis, the U.S. was the top overall defense partner for Southeast Asia, leading the region for both military exercises and dialogue mechanisms, and ranking equal first with India for the number of defense agreements signed between 2017 and 2024. China only ranks eighth overall, and sixth for the number of dialogue mechanisms, defense agreements, and combined military exercises. Beijing's efforts have been heavily weighted toward the five nations of mainland Southeast Asia (Thailand, Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam), which have, in general, seen much less interest from external defense partners than the maritime region. This is likely due to China's growing maritime assertiveness, particularly in the South China Sea, which has led to a raft of new defense initiatives involving the Philippines in particular, but also with Indonesia and Singapore. This has allowed China to make more substantial inroads in mainland Southeast Asia. China is now the top defense partner for Laos and Cambodia, while also bolstering its engagement with Thailand, which saw its security engagement with its U.S. treaty ally drop after the military coup of 2014. China also remains a key defense partner of the Myanmar military, which is currently fighting to maintain its hold on power in the face of a coalition of resistance forces and ethnic armed groups. While China has made some recent gains in terms of strengthening its defense ties with Indonesia and Malaysia, the current trends point toward a possible intra-regional split within Southeast Asia into areas of relative Chinese and American defense influence. The region 'risks dividing into two camps: maritime countries with deep defense ties to the United States and its allies, and mainland countries lacking such cooperation,' Susannah Patton, the report's co-author and the Institute's deputy research director, said in a statement accompanying the report's release. However, it is also true that not all defense agreements are created equally. As the Lowy Institute report notes, U.S. and Japanese engagement tends to serve a more practical function. As an example, it cited the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) that the U.S. signed with Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand in 2005. This covers logistical support, supplies, and equipment used during exercises between U.S. forces and their Southeast Asian counterparts. Chinese engagement, on the other hand, is more likely to be subordinated to diplomatic and political goals. China's defense agreements with countries such as Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam 'are mostly vague and symbolic, containing only general commitments to cooperation and dialogue.' Most of China's agreements 'lack substantive provisions for technology transfer, combined training, or intelligence sharing.' The report notes that China is also more restrained and cautious in how it engages in joint military exercises with Southeast Asian partners. 'Interoperability is conspicuously lacking in China's military exercises with regional partners, a reflection of Beijing's reluctance to expose its capabilities, and differences in systems and doctrines,' the report stated. 'China's cautious stance has in turn bred mistrust.' Elsewhere, the report's findings reflected the region's attempts to escape the U.S.-China binary by building defense partnerships with other prominent regional partners. The report notes that between 2017 and 2024, Australia, India, and Japan have 'signed more defense agreements with Southeast Asian countries than China and the United States combined.' Moreover, 'If Canada and South Korea are included, the collective figures for the middle powers dwarf those of the United States and China.' Overall, the report points to the limits of China's defense engagement with the region, and suggests that the current trend, of deepening economic integration with China alongside growing security cooperation with the U.S. and its partners and allies, is likely to continue. Given that new defense cooperation initiatives from the United States and its allies focus largely on the maritime region – unsurprisingly, given the ongoing tensions in the South China Sea – this trend also 'risks leaving mainland Southeast Asia more reliant on cooperation with China and Russia, increasing the geopolitical divide within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations,' the report stated.