logo
India is on a hiring binge that tariffs can't stop

India is on a hiring binge that tariffs can't stop

Observer26-03-2025
BENGALURU, India — In India's most advanced cities, American companies are racing to set up more and bigger offshore campuses: fully staffed offices with high-skilled Indian professionals, performing functions vital to global business.
The concentration is most stark in bits of Bengaluru. Apul Nahata of RapidAI, a Silicon Valley-based medical technology company that uses artificial intelligence to interpret brain scans, can look out the window of the office he leads in India and see a 'density of companies' relevant to his work.
'If I walk a half-kilometer, I see Google, Qualcomm, Nvidia, Visa, Samsung, and Amazon right here,' said Nahata, who spent 10 years of his career in California. He is especially tuned in to his neighbors in tech, but JPMorgan Chase has the biggest of these offices, with 55,000 workers spread across Bengaluru and four other Indian cities. Even all-American retailers like Target and Lowe's have centers employing 4,000 to 5,000 Indians in Bengaluru.
Under President Donald Trump, the United States is upending some of its most important trading partnerships. He is particularly irritated by the $46 billion U.S. deficit in the trade of goods with India. Trump has also complained about Indian workers without legal status.
But Trump's stated policy solutions — higher U.S. tariffs meant to force India to lower its trade barriers, and the deportations of immigrants — will do nothing to slow the evolution of the long partnership that binds together American companies looking for skilled workers overseas and India's abundant pool of labor.
Twenty years ago, many Americans feared that the outsourcing of office jobs to lower-wage economies like India would mean fewer jobs in the United States. Many kinds of jobs have moved overseas since then, and many of those have since been automated. But the American economy needs more skilled workers.
Now, many American companies are finding those workers in India. As of 2024, there were about 1,800 offshore corporate offices in India, owned by hundreds of foreign-based multinational companies — most of them American. There are 1.9 million people in India working for foreign companies, with 600,000 to 900,000 more expected to join them by 2030.
Together, the offshore business centers in India earned about $65 billion last year, more than the value of American imports to India. By 2030, they are expected to earn $100 billion or more. The business centers are springing up in other countries, too, such as Mexico and Poland, but most are in India.
Across India, these foreign-owned offices are now the primary driver of commercial real estate. An estimated 50 new ones were established over the past year. The expectation is that 100 more will join them during 2025.
This is welcome news for India, which needs 10 million new jobs each year just to keep unemployment in check. Even with stronger economic growth than any other large country, India's enormous population of young people is in danger of falling behind.
The model for these offices has been around since at least the 1990s, when international companies started trickling into India, attracted by an educated middle class that could work for very low wages. As the internet shortened the virtual distance between India and the United States, Americans became familiar with Indian-accented workers at call centers and faraway tech support.
The business has changed a lot since those days. Indian wages have picked up, and these offshore subsidiaries are no longer providing only low-value services. They are full-fledged branches of American headquarters, not just outposts, let alone temporary offices that provide outsourcing for information technology services. That sector announced a reduction of 64,000 jobs in 2024.
While salaries have gone up over the years, they are still about a quarter to a third of their dollar-adjusted equivalent in the United States. Managers of these offices, known as global capability centers, acknowledged the savings, but they said multinational companies were just as drawn to the quality and abundance of potential Indian workers.
'Where else can you scale up with 2,000 engineers, or marketing professionals, within a year?' exclaimed one executive, who asked not to be identified because he was not authorized to speak publicly.
Another point of consensus about the growth of offshore centers is that COVID-19 played a crucial role, as in so many other parts of office life. Pari Natarajan is the CEO and a co-founder of Zinnov, a consultancy that helps companies set up shop in India. He has done this work since 2002 and witnessed successive waves of enthusiasm, the greatest of which started crashing ashore four years ago.
'During COVID, companies realized that they could have teams anywhere — anywhere — and then people are equidistant from each other,' said Natarajan, who usually works from New York City.
Pure Storage, a company that makes data-storage hardware used around the world, is one of the newcomers here. Its co-founder John Colgrove, a Silicon Valley legend known as Coz, helped to start the company in Mountain View, California, in 2009.
Pure's offices in Bengaluru, on high-rent Church Street, have a California tech feel: open-plan seating, espresso machines, acres of monitors and humming data rooms. Customized murals refer to Bengaluru and the rest of India. But the office has also taken pains to replicate the exact dimensions of the desks stationed in the Silicon Valley headquarters.
Ajeya Motaganahalli has been building up the Pure Storage office for the past three years. He is a vice president — Indians holding 'VP-level' leadership jobs at the centers are common, he said. The chain of command runs around the world, he said, with Pure Storage's reporting lines going up and down between California, Bengaluru, and a third center in Prague.
Ekroop Caur, a secretary with the state government of Karnataka, is the official responsible for the growth and maintenance of Bengaluru's foreign subsidiaries. One of her priorities is to help companies find suitable spaces, and talent, not just in Bengaluru, which is bursting at the seams, but also in other cities in the state of Karnataka.
The offshore office centers are full of tech startups like RapidAI and Pure Storage, but some venerable American corporations are part of the movement.
Pitney Bowes, founded 105 years ago in Stamford, Connecticut, by the man who invented the first postal meter, employs 11,000 people around the world, mostly still in the business of shipping. And about 85% of its shipping-technology workforce is in India. Pitney Bowes started its Indian operations long before the current wave, setting up in Noida, an exurb of New Delhi, and Pune, an industrial city near Mumbai.
Anisha Johar, who has been with Pitney Bowes for a decade, works on its communications team. 'I never thought I'd have a global role from India,' Johar said.
American companies are assembling their workforces in India mainly because it has become difficult to find the right kind of workers in the United States. Studies find that a third of all new engineering jobs go unfilled, while nearly 1.2 million Indians graduate with engineering degrees every year. Lower-wage American workers, who lost jobs as manufacturing work shifted to Asia, have been stranded without retraining.
Deborah Kops, the managing principal of Sourcing Change, has been working on this kind of business, especially in India, since the early 1990s.
'We've got an inexorable trend right now, where enterprises understand that you can globalize the work,' Kops said. She has tried setting up global centers within the United States but says that 'we just don't have the education engine' to staff them.
'Can you get 5,000 folks who know how to do this kind of work? You can't,' she said. 'But you can do it in India, and you can do it in other places in the world.'
This article originally appeared in
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Is Trump winning on economic policy?
Is Trump winning on economic policy?

Observer

time7 hours ago

  • Observer

Is Trump winning on economic policy?

Six months into his second term, it is fair to say that US President Donald Trump has swept the board when it comes to economic policy – at least by the standards he set for himself. In fact, he has imposed his will to a degree no other post-World War II president, with the possible exception of Ronald Reagan, has been able to achieve. For starters, Trump got his One Big Beautiful Bill Act passed, despite a razor-thin majority in the House of Representatives and credible projections that his signature tax and spending package will add more than $3 trillion to the federal deficit over the coming decade (barring a miraculous AI-driven economic boom). And the southern US border is now more tightly controlled than it has been in decades. On tariffs in particular, Trump got what he wanted. Europe and Japan effectively capitulated – agreeing to eliminate their own trade barriers while accepting a 15 per cent US tariff on their exports. Given these humiliating terms, it was more than a little absurd to see European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen hail the deal as a success simply because Trump backed down from his initial threat of a 30 per cent tariff. Both the European Union and Japan also committed to invest hundreds of billions of dollars in the US economy, with Trump exerting significant influence over where that money would be directed. His self-styled 'Tariff Man' persona clearly rattled world leaders, many of whom failed to recognise that his threats were unsustainable in the long run. In retrospect, they would have been better off calling his bluff. Instead, last Thursday, an emboldened Trump announced new tariffs on nearly every country in the world. While European policymakers were busy mitigating the impact of American tariff threats, Trump pushed through legislation aimed at bringing cryptocurrencies into the mainstream financial system with minimal oversight. Astonishingly, despite the Trump family's multi-billion-dollar crypto holdings, Congress has shown little interest in investigating the president's glaring conflict of interest. In fact, Trump has faced more public scrutiny for withholding the Jeffrey Epstein files than for his crypto dealings. Trump has faced more public scrutiny for withholding the Jeffrey Epstein files than for his crypto dealings. To be sure, the GENIUS Act does contain some worthwhile ideas. One provision, for example, requires that stablecoins – cryptocurrencies pegged to a traditional currency or commodity, usually the dollar – be backed by safe, liquid assets. But overall, instead of laying out clear guidelines for taming the crypto Wild West, the GENIUS Act amounts to little more than a regulatory skeleton. As several critics have noted, Trump's stablecoin framework bears striking similarities to the free-banking era of the 1800s, when the United States did not have a central bank. At the time, private banks issued their own dollar-backed currencies, often with disastrous consequences such as fraud, instability, and frequent bank runs. With thousands of stablecoins expected to flood the market, similar problems are bound to emerge. That said, some criticisms may be overstated, as today's leading issuers are generally more transparent and better capitalised than their nineteenth-century counterparts. A more urgent and underappreciated problem is that the new legislation will make it far easier to use dollar-based stablecoins for tax evasion. While large-denomination paper currency presents similar challenges, the scale of the threat posed by stablecoins is much greater. And yet, despite these risks, Trump once again got exactly the legislation he wanted. Fortunately, the US economy has remained resilient amid the uncertainty and chaos unleashed by Trump's tariff war. Although growth appears to be slowing, and the July jobs report was soft – a hard reality that Trump's firing of the technocrat in charge of producing the data will not change – second-quarter data show that the country is not yet in a recession. Likewise, higher tariffs have not yet triggered a surge in domestic inflation, and the US is on track to collect $300 billion in tariff revenue in 2025. So far, importers have been reluctant to pass those costs on to consumers, but that could change if the current tariff war ever winds down. Some analysts have even argued that the apparent success of Trump's heterodox policies proves that conventional economic models are wrong. I doubt that, though the jury is still out. This short-term optimism, however, overlooks long-term consequences. While some of former President Joe Biden's policies were damaging, numerous economists have warned that Trump's actions could prove devastating to American institutions and the global economic order. Most critically, the rule of law would be severely weakened if the expanded presidential powers Trump has claimed are allowed to become permanent. A big test is coming if the Supreme Court ultimately decides that he lacks the authority to impose tariffs without Congress's approval. If they stand, Trump's sweeping tariffs may have long-term effects on US growth. The rest of the world is unlikely to tolerate Trump's protectionist policies indefinitely. If he starts to look weak for any reason, expect foreign governments to retaliate with sweeping tariffs of their own. The Big Beautiful Bill could compound the damage, triggering a cycle of higher interest rates, rising inflation, and financial repression. Still, we should give Trump his due and acknowledge that his second presidency is off to a far stronger start than almost anyone – aside from Trump himself and his most fervent acolytes – could imagine six months ago. We should not be surprised by whatever comes next – and that might be the scariest part. @Project Syndicate, 2025

Tariffs spark calls to boycott American goods
Tariffs spark calls to boycott American goods

Observer

time11 hours ago

  • Observer

Tariffs spark calls to boycott American goods

NEW DELHI - From McDonald's and Coca-Cola to Amazon and Apple, US-based multinationals are facing calls for a boycott in India as business executives and Prime Minister Narendra Modi's supporters stoke anti-American sentiment to protest against U.S. tariffs. India, the world's most populous nation, is a key market for American brands that have rapidly expanded to target a growing base of affluent consumers, many of whom remain infatuated with international labels seen as symbols of moving up in life. India, for example, is the biggest market by users for Meta's WhatsApp, and Domino's has more restaurants than any other brand in the country. Beverages like Pepsi and Coca-Cola often dominate store shelves, and people still queue up when a new Apple store opens or a Starbucks cafe doles out discounts. Although there was no immediate indication of sales being hit, there's a growing chorus both on social media and offline to buy local and ditch American products after Donald Trump imposed a 50% tariff on goods from India, rattling exporters and damaging ties between New Delhi and Washington. McDonald's, Coca-Cola, Amazon, and Apple did not immediately respond to Reuters queries. Manish Chowdhary, co-founder of India's Wow Skin Science, took to LinkedIn with a video message urging support for farmers and startups to make "Made in India" a "global obsession," and to learn from South Korea, whose food and beauty products are famous worldwide. "We have lined up products from thousands of miles away. We have proudly spent on brands that we don't own, while our makers fight for attention in their own country," he said. Rahm Shastry, CEO of India's DriveU, which provides a car driver on call service, wrote on LinkedIn: "India should have its own home-grown Twitter/Google/YouTube/WhatsApp/FB -- like China has." To be fair, Indian retail companies give foreign brands like Starbucks stiff competition in the domestic market, but going global has been a challenge. Indian IT services firms, however, have become deeply entrenched in the global economy, with the likes of TCS and Infosys providing software solutions to clients worldwide. On Sunday, Modi made a "special appeal" for becoming self-reliant, telling a gathering in Bengaluru that Indian technology companies made products for the world but "now is the time for us to give more priority to India's needs." He did not name any company. Even as anti-American protests simmer, Tesla launched its second showroom in India in New Delhi, with Monday's opening attended by Indian commerce ministry officials and U.S. embassy officials. The Swadeshi Jagran Manch group, which is linked to Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party, took out small public rallies across India on Sunday, urging people to boycott American brands. "People are now looking at Indian products. It will take some time to fructify," Ashwani Mahajan, the group's co-convenor, told Reuters. "This is a call for nationalism, patriotism." He also shared with Reuters a table his group is circulating on WhatsApp, listing Indian brands of bath soaps, toothpaste, and cold drinks that people could choose over foreign ones. On social media, one of the group's campaigns is a graphic titled "Boycott foreign food chains", with logos of McDonald's and many other restaurant brands. In Uttar Pradesh, Rajat Gupta, 37, who was dining at a McDonald's in Lucknow on Monday, said he wasn't concerned about the tariff protests and simply enjoyed the 49-rupee ($0.55) coffee he considered good value for money. "Tariffs are a matter of diplomacy, and my McPuff, coffee should not be dragged into it," he said.

Al Jazeera correspondent, among five journalists killed by Israel
Al Jazeera correspondent, among five journalists killed by Israel

Muscat Daily

time15 hours ago

  • Muscat Daily

Al Jazeera correspondent, among five journalists killed by Israel

Gaza – A prominent Al Jazeera journalist, previously threatened by Israel, has been killed along with four colleagues in an Israeli airstrike in Gaza City. Anas al Sharif, one of Al Jazeera's most recognisable reporters in Gaza, died on Sunday night while in a tent for journalists outside Al Shifa hospital. The Qatar-based network said seven people were killed in total, including correspondent Mohammed Qreiqeh and camera operators Ibrahim Zaher, Mohammed Noufal and Moamen Aliwa. Al Jazeera described Sharif as 'one of Gaza's bravest journalists' and called the strike 'a desperate attempt to silence voices in anticipation of the occupation of Gaza.' The Israel Defence Force acknowledged carrying out the strike, alleging Sharif was 'head of a terrorist cell in Hamas' and responsible for advancing rocket attacks. It said intelligence and documents recovered in Gaza supported its claim. Rights advocates, however, said Sharif was targeted for his frontline reporting and that Israel had provided no credible evidence. The United Nations had earlier dismissed similar Israeli accusations as 'unfounded'. 'I am deeply alarmed by repeated threats and accusations of the Israeli army against Anas al Sharif, the last surviving journalist of Al Jazeera in northern Gaza,' Irene Khan, UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression, said two weeks ago.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store