New Delhi Railway Station Stampede: Probe Reveals Chaos, Headloads, And Systemic Lapses, Says Govt
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Hans India
21 minutes ago
- Hans India
How India's institutions are failing the marginalized people
India's history is replete with examples of systematic exclusion and discriminatory governance, particularly under colonial rule. The British administration followed a clear policy of divide and rule that deepened social fissures, marginalised communities, and denied equitable access to resources and opportunities. When India attained independence, the founding fathers of our Constitution envisioned a society rooted in justice, equality, and dignity for all. As a result, affirmative action, commonly known as reservation, was introduced to correct the historical wrongs inflicted upon communities such as the Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs). However, more than seven decades later, the commitment to this constitutional mandate often appears hollow. Recent data presented in the Rajya Sabha on July 23, 2025, by Union Minister of State for Education Sukanta Majumdar lays bare a disheartening reality. In response to a question by RJD MP Manoj Kumar Jha, it was revealed that a significant proportion of teaching posts reserved for marginalized communities in central universities remain vacant. This is not just an administrative lapse, but a betrayal of the values enshrined in our Constitution. According to the figures shared, a staggering 80 per cent of the professor-level posts reserved for OBCs remain unfilled. Of the 423 sanctioned posts under this category, only 84 have been filled. The situation is even grimmer for the ST category, where nearly 83 per cent of professor posts are lying vacant, only 24 of 144 sanctioned positions have been filled. Likewise, 64 per cent of positions sanctioned for the SC category remain unoccupied, with only 111 out of 308 filled. This data is not just numbers; it reflects a systemic failure that continues to perpetuate marginalization within spaces of higher education, spaces that should ideally be at the forefront of promoting equity and inclusion. These glaring vacancies indicate either a lack of will or deeply entrenched biases in our institutions that are hindering the effective implementation of reservation policies. It is no secret that caste-based discrimination, both overt and covert, still persists in many corners of our society. When such biases find place within the corridors of power and policy-making, they directly obstruct the socio-economic mobility of communities that have already endured centuries of oppression. The excuses often provided for such lapses, like the non-availability of suitable candidates, must be scrutinized critically. Are adequate efforts being made to create and nurture talent from these communities? Are institutions proactively reaching out to fill these posts through fair and inclusive recruitment processes? Or is the system simply indifferent? The failure to fill these sanctioned posts not only denies rightful opportunity to the deprived but also weakens the very fabric of our democracy. In a nation as culturally rich and socially diverse as India, the true measure of progress must go beyond GDP growth, stock market milestones, or international accolades. Real advancement lies in how we treat our most vulnerable and marginalized citizens. Today, as we envision the grand ambition of building a Viksit Bharat by 2047, coinciding with the centenary of our independence, we must ask ourselves some hard questions. Are we truly inclusive in our approach to development? Are our policies and public investments reaching those who need them the most? Or is there, perhaps, a deeper malaise, a deliberate design or systemic bias, that continues to sideline the deprived communities from claiming their rightful share of national resources, opportunities, and institutional support, proportionate to their population? The time for symbolic assurances and policy jargon is long gone. What we need now is a transparent, data-backed, and morally driven commitment from the government and all institutions of democracy to correct historical injustices. The urgency is moral and strategic too. A nation cannot prosper in the long term if significant sections of its population remain excluded and voiceless. If the principle of 'deprive, divide, and rule' is allowed to take root and become surreptitiously institutionalized within our political, social, or economic systems, the consequences will be deeply destructive and far-reaching. This nefarious design – historically used to create rifts among communities, classes, and regions – has no place in a modern, democratic, and inclusive India. Institutionalizing deprivation means deliberately denying basic rights, opportunities, and resources to a section of the population, thereby reinforcing systemic inequality. Coupled with the tactic of division, whether along lines of caste, religion, language, or economic status, it will fracture the very soul of our nation. In such a scenario, the privileged few would continue to enjoy comfort and luxury, while the marginalized masses remain trapped in cycles of poverty, exclusion, and powerlessness. It is, therefore, imperative that we do not make the grave mistake of perpetuating such a model, which only serves the interests of the select elite at the cost of national unity and human dignity. The people of modern India, more aware, more connected, and more assertive than ever before, will not tolerate such injustices. Our shared moral compass and the foundational principles of our democracy compel us to build a society rooted in justice, equality, and unity. It is our collective duty to uphold a system of governance that is transparent, fair, and inclusive—one that prioritizes compassion over coercion and empowerment over manipulation. True democracy flourishes only when every individual feels seen, heard, and valued. Any attempt to undermine these ideals, be it through authoritarianism, discrimination, or exclusion, must be firmly and resolutely opposed. Our resolute commitment to these values must not be a choice but a necessity for a just and harmonious future.
Time of India
7 hours ago
- Time of India
4 of total 16 elections held for vice-president posts won uncontested
NEW DELHI: Four of the total 16 elections held so far to the office of Vice-President of India were won uncontested, three due to rejection of nomination papers of the rival candidates and one due to lack of any opponent. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now While S Radhakrishnan was elected unopposed as Vice-President twice, first in 1952 after the only other nomination paper filed was rejected and then in 1957 as he was the only validly nominated candidate; Mohammad Hidayatullah was elected unopposed in 1979. In 1987, Shankar Dayal Sharma was also elected unopposed, but only after the nomination papers filed by 26 other candidates were found to be invalid. There were two contestants in 10 of the Vice-Presidential elections held so far, and three and six contestants in one each. Five Vice-Presidents exited the office before the end of their term - Krishna Kant due to his untimely demise in 2002; V V Giri, R Venkataraman and Shankar Dayal Sharma resigned from the post of Vice-President to become President in 1969 (Giri filled up the vacancy created by the death of his predecssor Zakir Hussain),1987 and 1992 respectively. Jagdeep Dhankhar resigned due to "medical reasons" last week. These interesting details on 16 Vice-Presidential elections held so far can be found in a booklet put together by EC ahead of the 17th Vice-Presidential election, summarising the Constitutional provisions relating to the election, system of voting, and details of past elections in simple language, to enhance public awareness. Though the electoral college for the Vice-Presidential election is small, comprising only members of the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, including nominated ones, invalid votes were reported in almost all the elections that witnessed a contest. While 14 votes were declared invalid in the 1962 Vice-Presidential poll, the number was 3 in 1967, 10 in 1974, 30 in 1984, 10 in 1992, 46 in 1997, 7 in 2002, 10 in 2007, 8 in 2012, 11 in 2017 and 15 in 2022.
The Hindu
8 hours ago
- The Hindu
Chief Minister Stalin wanted to challenge the Waqf (Amendments) Act in SC: MP Wilson
DMK Rajya Sabha Member P. Wilson on Saturday said amendments to the Waqf Act brought about in 1995 were sufficient, and the BJP's decision to form a committee and its actions were 'oppressive'. Speaking at the 'Save Waqf, Save Constitution' panel discussion organised by the All India Muslims Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), he said Chief Minister M.K. Stalin passed a resolution in the Assembly when the Waqf (Amendments) Act, 2025, was introduced in Parliament. 'Only the BJP opposed the resolution and staged a walkout from the Assembly. The BJP has betrayed the Muslim community and the AIADMK has formed an alliance with them. When the Bill was sent to a Joint Parliamentary Committee, the DMK appointed two of its MPs, A. Raja and M.M. Abdullah, who travelled across India for over nine months and participated in consultative meetings and opposed the amendments. The committee's objections were given in writing, and we caused a ruckus in Parliament. We debated it for 15 hours, and it was passed early in the morning. We voted against it,' he said. He added that the Chief Minister M.K. Stalin had said that the Waqf Act should be challenged in Supreme Court. 'After it was passed in the Rajya Sabha on April 4 and became an Act on April 5, we filed a case against it on April 7.' Former Madras High Court judge Justice D. Hariparanthaman said the latest Waqf Act amendments should be compared to the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Act and compared to the rights available to the majority community. 'Section 104 of the Waqf Act which says that anyone can donate to Waqf... has been removed. Now, not even a Muslim can donate but he/she should have been a Muslim for five years. Does HR and CE Act have such a section? A Muslim, Christian, Jain is not prevented from donating to the Mylapore temple. This is the first act that prevents donation. All powers of the Waqf Act are being taken over by the Central government,' he said. R. Vijayasankar, former Editor, Frontline, highlighted the role of the media in spreading hate against Muslims and underlined the lack of representation of Muslims, Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Communities within mainstream media. Advocate A. Arulmozhi, retired IAS officer G. Balachandran, and Rahmathunissa, member, AIMPLB, also participated.
