Slovakia cannot support new EU sanctions against Russia without energy solutions, PM Fico says
June 11 (Reuters) - Slovakia will not back the EU's 18th package of sanctions against Russia unless the European Commission provides a solution to the situation the country faces if the bloc phases out Russian energy as planned, Prime Minister Robert Fico said.
The Commission proposed on Tuesday a new round of sanctions against Russia for its invasion of Ukraine more than three years ago, targeting Moscow's energy revenues, its banks and its military industry.
Fico has criticised separate European Union plans to phase out Russian gas and other energy imports in the coming years, which the EU executive announced last month, calling them "economic suicide".
Hungary, which like Slovakia, continues to rely on Russian gas and oil supplies, and like Slovakia has maintained warm ties with Moscow, has also rejected the plans.
EU countries will start debating the sanctions proposals this week, which require unanimity in the bloc for approval.
"Slovakia will not support the upcoming 18th sanctions package against Russia unless the European Commission provides it with a real solution to the crisis situation that Slovakia will find itself in after the complete cessation of gas, oil and nuclear fuel supplies from Russia," Fico wrote in a Facebook post late on Tuesday.
Slovakia has not blocked any previous sanctions packages.
But Fico had said over the weekend Slovakia would block any sanctions that harmed its national interests.
The Commission's new sanctions package proposes banning transactions with Russia's Nord Stream gas pipelines, as well as banks that engage in sanctions circumvention.
The Commission has also proposed lowering the Group of Seven nations' price cap on Russian crude oil to $45 a barrel, from $60 a barrel, to cut Russia's energy revenues.
Fico has long opposed sanctions against Russia, saying they harmed Slovakia and the EU more than Moscow.
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Telegraph
17 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Britons could be stopped from entering Gibraltar by Spanish police, Lammy admits
Spanish border guards will be able to stop Britons entering Gibraltar because of the new Brexit deal for the Rock, the Government has admitted. Fabian Picardo, Gibraltar's chief minister, furiously denied surrendering any sovereignty to Spain or the EU after The Telegraph reported details of the deal on Wednesday. But David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, was forced to concede in the House of Commons on Thursday that Spanish guards working for the European Union would have control over who entered Gibraltar. Under questioning, Mr Lammy told MPs that a British person stopped by Spanish guards at Gibraltar airport would have a choice: they could either voluntarily go over to Spain for questioning, or be returned to the Gibraltarian authorities and return to the UK. 'It is clear from the Foreign Secretary's answer that Spanish border officials can prevent a UK citizen from entering one part of the UK from another part of the UK,' Richard Tice, the Reform UK deputy leader, said. 'This appears to be a significant sovereignty compromise,' he told The Telegraph. The deal ensures Gibraltar's border with Spain remains open after Brexit, and means the 15,000 people who cross it every day will not have to have their passports stamped. Border checks will be moved to Gibraltar's nearby airport after the Rock effectively becomes part of the EU's Schengen zone of passport-free movement. People flying into Gibraltar from the UK will face one check from Gibraltarian officials and another by the Spanish on behalf of the EU. Mr Lammy said: 'For those arriving by air into Gibraltar's airport, there will be a dual border control check, in a model similar to French police operating in London St Pancras station.' Dame Harriett Baldwin, a former Conservative minister, asked: 'Can a British citizen flying from the UK to Gibraltar now be stopped by a Spanish official as they land?' Mr Lammy replied: 'There will be a second line queue, as there is in St Pancras, and there will be Spanish border guards and police situated in that second line. 'And of course, if there was an alert, then at that point, not on their own, but at that point, there would be a hand-back facility with the Gibraltar police, so they are working alongside that Spanish team. 'And if there was an alert, then the individual would have a right to legal advice. They would either be able to return to their country of origin, let's say the UK, or they would be able to voluntarily go over to Spain to face the questions they are facing.' Mr Tice asked whether Spanish border officials 'have an effective veto on the entry of a British citizen from the United Kingdom landing on British sovereign territory in Gibraltar'. Mr Lammy said if Mr Tice flew to Gibraltar and there was an alert in the Schengen system, 'he would be handed back to the Gibraltarians, where he might feel more comfortable' before returning to the UK. 'No doubt the Spanish would seek to extradite him, and many in this House would be rather pleased,' he added. Mr Lammy said he had insisted on a 'sovereignty clause' in the treaty and added that immigration, policing and justice remained the responsibilities of Gibraltar's authorities.
The Independent
28 minutes ago
- The Independent
Gibraltar not joining Schengen free travel area under deal with EU, says Lammy
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New Statesman
an hour ago
- New Statesman
Donald Tusk's self-own
Photo by NurPhoto/Getty It's no surprise that the marginal win on 2 June of Poland's President-elect, Karol Nawrocki, has rattled politics internationally considering his anti-EU stance – and his victory couldn't have been more of a blow to Poland's prime minister, Donald Tusk. Sensing the country's politics have once again become destabilised, Tusk called for a vote of confidence on Monday (11 June) in an attempt to bolster his party and strengthen their political power. 'I needed this vote for obvious reasons,' Tusk said after the votes have been cast. 'There have been speculations that this government won't be able to support itself and it's difficult to work in these conditions.' Yet the vote did little to prove his critics wrong. Marginal wins have recently become depressingly commonplace in Polish politics: in the first round of the presidential election, Rafał Trzaskowski narrowly won before Nawrocki secured the office with a 0.9 per cent advantage in the second round. Now Tusk has garnered the support of just 53 per cent of the Polish parliament, the Sejm. Rather than proving that Polish MPs have trust in his leadership, the vote of confidence has further demonstrated that Poland is divided. One member of the opposition said that what Tusk called on himself was in fact a 'vote of no confidence'. Only seven members of the Sejm abstained from voting, including Jarosław Kaczynski, the leader of the right-wing Law and Justice party, whose relations with Tusk have been tense since his first term as prime minister in 2007. So, what did the vote of confidence achieve? Simply put: nothing. The question period that proceeded the vote was less of a Q&A than an opportunity for Tusk's opponents to air their grievances in front of one another. Addressing the 'usually not present' prime minister – a phrase that many members of the opposition wielded to highlight Tusk's frequent lack of attendance in the Sejm – the usual repertoire of issues was broached ranging from education, public spending, the national healthcare system and the prime minister's systematic failures in their regard. As the question period dragged on, the condemnations disguised as questions became more audacious. A Law and Justice MP, Łukasz Kmita, called Tusk's leadership pathological and only possible thanks to his 'kiss-asses'. This sentiment was shared by fellow Law and Justice MP Zbigniew Bogucki who called Tusk's premiership 'pato-władza' – pathological governance. Another MP addressed Tusk as 'Herr Tusk' and proceeded to speak to him 'in a language he will understand' – German. The anti-German sentiment of the opposition was impossible to ignore, especially aimed at the prime minister. For years Tusk has been the subject of conspiracy theories that paint him as a 'German spy' due to his pro-EU sentiments, allyship with Germany – a position some view as selling Poland out – and his German heritage on his mother's side. So, yes, Donald Tusk won his vote, but he didn't exactly bolster confidence. In the past, the vote of confidence has been a tool wielded in difficult and important political moments – something Tusk has experience with having called on it in 2012 and 2014. This is one of those significant political moments, yet the tactic failed. Rather than proving unity, the vote drew a firm divisive line. With an upcoming parliamentary reshuffle in July and the presidency of Nawrocki starting in August, the country is entering a summer of political disturbance. According to United Surveys, 44.8 per cent of the Polish public think that Tusk should resign – a sentiment clearly shared with many members of the Sejm. The political divide in the country and in the Polish parliament will lead to further disillusionment and political fatigue. Nawrocki's presidency will not only add to the domestic political unrest but will also have an inevitable ripple effect on politics and policy beyond Poland's borders. [See also: The world is finally turning against the war on Gaza] Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Related
