Woman Marries 2 Brothers: Himachal Pradesh's Polyandry Custom Explained
Sunita Chauhan from Kunhat village married Pradeep and Kapil Negi of Shillai under the traditional polyandrous practice known locally as " Jodidara". The three-day wedding, held in the Trans-Giri region beginning July 12, featured folk songs, dances, and rituals unique to the Hatti culture. Sunita Chauhan said the decision was mutual and free from any pressure.
What Is The ' Jodidara ' Practice In Himachal Pradesh?
Jodidara is a traditional form of fraternal polyandry, where two or more brothers share one wife. The practice has historical roots among the Hatti tribe in Himachal Pradesh's Trans-Giri region. It is often linked to the Mahabharata, as the Panchala princess Draupadi was married to the five Pandava brothers, hence sometimes called Draupadi Pratha. Locals also refer to the practice as Ujla Paksh or Jodidaran.
How And Why It Is Practiced
Under Jodidara, the wife shifts between brothers on a mutually agreed schedule, whether nightly, weekly, or otherwise. The entire family raises the children together. While the eldest brother is typically named the legal father, all the siblings actively share parenting responsibilities.
The Jodidara practice helps tribal families prevent the fragmentation of ancestral land. In Himachal's hilly regions, where agriculture sustains livelihoods, families rely on undivided land for survival. By marrying a single woman to multiple brothers, they keep the property consolidated and avoid splitting it among heirs.
The system preserves unity in joint families. When brothers share a wife, they strengthen their bond and keep the household intact. This arrangement provides social and economic stability, especially in the mountainous terrain, where families work together to manage farms and daily life.
Is This Practice Legal?
Though the Indian law prohibits polyandry, the Himachal Pradesh High Court has acknowledged and protected this custom under " Jodidar Law", allowing it to continue among tribal groups. Hatti community leaders consider this tradition an essential cultural marker.
The Hattis, living across roughly 450 villages in the Trans-Giri area, were granted Scheduled Tribe status partly because of their unique tribal traditions, including Jodidaran.
Though modern values have led to its decline, the Jodidara tradition still survives in small pockets. In the last six years, families in Himachal's Trans-Giri region have solemnised five polyandrous marriages, keeping the custom alive in villages across Sirmaur.
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Hindustan Times
an hour ago
- Hindustan Times
Himachal polyandry: 1 bride, 2 grooms, but how do intimate relations play out in this marriage?
The ancient tradition of polyandry, where a woman marries multiple men, preferably brothers, still exists in parts of Himachal Pradesh. Primarily practised to avoid property division among brothers, the Hatti tribe in the state continues 'Jodidara' to this day. Bride Sunita Chauhan with grooms Pradeep and Kapil Negi during their traditional polyandrous wedding ceremony in Himachal Pradesh's Shillai village, attended by members of the Hatti tribe.(X/@BalbirKumar23) The spotlight recently returned to this tradition earlier this month, after two brothers from Shillai village of Sirmaur district married the same woman in accordance with tribal customs. Sunita Chauhan, who recently married brothers Pradeep and Kapil Negi, said they are proud of the tradition, that the marriage was a joint decision, and that they were under no pressure. The tradition of 'Jodidara' is recognised under Himachal Pradesh's revenue laws and finds space under sections 494 and 495 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which deal with marital relationships. However, for the unsuspecting, the mere mention of sharing a wife brings up a sea of queries. Fortunately, former chief minister YS Parmar wrote his PhD thesis on the same century-old tradition. Also Read | 1 wife, 2 brothers as husbands in this Himachal wedding: What's the rare tradition and why is it practised? His thesis titled – Polyandry in Himalayas: Socio-economic background of Himalayan Polyandry at Lucknow University – extensively studied the practice. How time is shared among husbands In his research, Parmar explains that in fraternal polyandry, the wife has the autonomy to decide how time is distributed among the husbands. According to Live Hindustan, which cited Parmar, the wife must provide equal love and time to all brothers to prevent jealousy. On page 91 of his book, Parmar describes how sometimes a cap or shoe is placed outside the room to indicate that the wife is with a particular husband, though this assumes the household has more than one room, which is not always the case in poorer families. Also Read | Woman marries 2 brothers in Himachal to keep alive rare tradition: 'Proud of our history' "In most cases, the wife sleeps with all her husbands in the same room... she decides, according to her own wish, which husband to be with that night. However, she performs her duties with each brother in turn. Typically, equal time is given to all husbands. Complaints rarely arise," Parmar notes in his book, as reported by Live Hindustan. Beyond intimacy, the wife typically manages the household, including the kitchen, cattle fodder, and farm work. If the workload is too much, she may request that another woman join the household, who then becomes wife to all brothers as well. Economic, cultural, and emotional reasons behind 'Jodidara' Members of the Hatti tribe assert that polyandry helps maintain family unity and protect small landholdings. "Keeping small landholdings intact and less expense on weddings were the economics behind the tradition," said OP Sharma, former chairman of the Dr. YS Parmar Chair at Himachal Pradesh University. He added that Parmar did not encourage the practice due to concerns over women's rights. However, some people campare it to the modern 'live-in relations', a law student cited by PTI, said, 'If live-in relations are accepted, then why is there an issue with age-old traditions? There are 15-20 families in my village Koti (Sirmaur district) where a woman is married to more than one man and we want the tradition to continue.' "Relations stay healthy in the family and land stays intact in joint marriage," said Balma Devi. Another community member, Sant Ram, added: 'Polyandry is an old tradition in which brotherhood remains and expenses are handled adequately. We four brothers are married to two women.' Himachal's Hatti tribes The Hatti tribe, a close-knit community on the Himachal-Uttarakhand border, was granted Scheduled Tribe status three years ago. Community leaders believe their recognition stems in part from adherence to traditional practices like polyandry. "We have got tribal status due to such old traditional practices which also find mention in revenue records. Polyandry is prevalent in about 150 villages in the Trans Giri area of Sirmaur district," said Ramesh Singta, spokesperson of Hatti Vikas Manch, reported PTI. Though such marriages are now increasingly conducted quietly, they are still accepted by many in the community, village elders say.
Indian Express
3 days ago
- Indian Express
One bride, two grooms: The story of Himachal's Hattis and the tradition of polyandry
On a sun-drenched July afternoon, the beat of wedding drums echoed across the hills of Shillai, a remote Himalayan village in the Trans-Giri belt of Himachal Pradesh's Sirmaur district. As villagers danced the pahari nati and showered flower petals, the bride, Sunita Chauhan, participated in the traditional wedding rituals. But what set the wedding apart was the presence of not one, but two grooms. The wedding, which has since gone viral and sparked curiosity and debate beyond the state borders, is neither scandalous nor new to the region. It is a remnant of the fading ancient practice known colloquially as Jodidara or Jajda, a form of polyandry in which one woman marries brothers. Though the tradition now survives discreetly among members of the Hatti community, the custom was common across the rugged, agrarian region until a few decades ago. 'Twenty-five years ago, it was not unusual,' says Harshwardhan Chauhan, Himachal Pradesh's Industries, Labour, and Parliamentary Affairs Minister and the MLA for Shillai. 'But in the past decade, I would estimate fewer than 50 such weddings have taken place.' For outsiders, such marriages may evoke a sense of otherness and raise questions about gender, autonomy, and modernity. But in Shillai (Sirmour) and other tribal areas of Himachal Pradesh, including Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti, polyandry is tied to land, legacy, and survival. The Hatti community — which got its name as they traditionally sold agrarian goods in marketplaces called hatts — spans about 450 villages across the Trans-Giri region of Himachal Pradesh and bordering areas of Uttarakhand. These tightly-knit agricultural communities once relied on collective labour to make ends meet. For centuries, the region's geography, steep slopes, fragmented terraced fields, and sparse infrastructure dictated a kind of economic and familial pragmatism. In this context, polyandry served a specific and functional purpose: preserving undivided ancestral land and fostering cooperation in joint families. Sitaram Sharma, chairperson, a public school in Shillai, remembers growing up in a joint household where his father and grandfather practiced Jajda. 'Only about five percent of families still follow it,' he says. 'Up until around 50 years, both polyandry and polygamy were practiced in the community. Families had no land, there were no jobs, and survival depended on staying together.' Families often had only a bigha or two of cultivable land — barely enough for one household, let alone many. To divide it further, Sharma says, would have been catastrophic. 'If four brothers married four wives, their children would split the land again and again. Jajda ensured land stayed whole, and families stayed together.' His reflections are echoed by the first chief minister of Himachal Pradesh YS Parmar, who, in his 1975 ethnographic study Polyandry in the Himalayas, wrote, 'The real reason for the existence of polyandry is economic. It is the best system suited to the conditions of the people where division of land is not possible and joint cultivation is advantageous.' Beyond economics, the practice wove an emotional lattice among siblings. 'Fraternal polyandry binds brothers together. It discourages fission in the household and promotes unity, since the brothers have a common wife, common children, and shared responsibilities,' says Sharma. It was also, in many ways, a form of population control. 'It regulated reproduction naturally. By limiting the number of wives in a family, it also limited the number of children, thereby conserving resources,' Parmar added. For many locals, especially among the older generation, the practice is sanctified by religious mythology. In the Mahabharata, Draupadi — wife to the Pandavas — is considered the first Jajda bride. 'People say, if such great men could live like this, why not us?' says Sharma. Parmar writes of it too: 'The custom has its sanction in mythology and legend. The people of the region continue to follow the example of these legendary heroes.' But today, such explanations are met with discomfort, or outright silence. A 2025 study by sociologists Shiv Kumar and Thakur Prem Kumar, published in the peer-reviewed Journal of Neonatal Surgery, attributes the decline to education and employment. 'Youngsters are hesitant,' Sharma says. 'They work in cities, some go abroad. They are scared of being mocked.' 'Earlier, people had no choice. Now people are stepping out, getting educated, watching the world through screens and books. The joint family is giving way to nuclear,' he adds. However, Shravan Kumar, 42, an assistant professor from Lahaul-Spiti, argues that such marriages are neither regressive or coercive. 'Couples in these relationships are not forced into anything,' he says. 'They live lives with perfect autonomy, not unlike traditional two-partner marriages. If the three partners do not get along, the bride or one, or both, of the grooms can initiate divorce through a simple ceremony that translates to 'breaking the thread.'' Though increasingly rare, polyandry remains prevalent across several Himalayan communities, including certain high-altitude pockets of Nepal and Tibet. Palki Tsering, a 37-year-old researcher from Kinnaur and general secretary of the Lahaul-Spiti Bodh Sangh, a local organisation focused on the welfare of the Buddhist community in the Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti regions, notes, 'Both polygamy and polyandry are indeed practiced among the Hatti community and in tribal regions of Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti. Though the practice has declined over the years, it now tends to be more consent-based rather than arranged.' Case in point: Sunita Chauhan, the bride, was quoted by news reports as saying: 'I was aware of the tradition and made my decision without any pressure. I respect the bond we have formed.' In her case, one husband, Pradeep from Shillai village, works in a government department, while the other, Kapil, is employed abroad. Tsering says the tradition originally served a practical purpose: 'In the rugged terrains of Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti, consolidating property and land was essential. One son would typically work outside the village to earn a living, while the other stayed back to manage the household and community affairs.' Even today, the economic rationale persists. Maintaining multiple households is financially burdensome, especially with the added cost of raising children. As Tsering explains, 'If brothers marry different women, they are treated as separate households and must each contribute separately to the village community. A household of three brothers with one wife is considered one household and will thus only contribute once.' Sushil Brongpa of Lahaul-Spiti, former Rajya Sabha MP, recalls encountering a study on his family at Patiala University in 1971. The book, A Study of Polyandry by Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, was published by Cambridge University Press. Brongpa shared, 'My uncle and father had a common wife, and I, too, share a wife with my uncle's son. The system ensured that both land and the family stayed together.' Wedding rituals in these regions also diverge notably from typical North Indian customs. Rather than a groom arriving with a baraat, the entire village often visits the grooms' house. The ceremony includes offerings of jaggery and invocation of the Kul Devta (family deity). A unique ritual called Seenj is performed at the groom's residence. Brongpa recalls simpler forms of marriage in earlier times: 'With limited resources, 'gandharv' weddings — unions without elaborate rituals — were common. Sometimes, the elder brother and his friends would simply bring the bride home. In some cases, a bottle of liquor sufficed as a symbolic shagun, or a small advance would be given as a token for the woman's security.' Under Indian law, polyandry is not legally recognised. The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 and the Special Marriage Act require monogamy, that is, neither party may have a living spouse at the time of marriage. Section 82 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) criminalises bigamy with up to seven years' imprisonment. If the prior marriage was concealed from the new spouse, the imprisonment can extend to 10 years. However, these laws do not automatically apply to members of Scheduled Tribes (STs) unless extended by the central government. This legal loophole allows for customary practices, like Jodidara, to survive in tribal regions. Under Section 13 of the Indian Evidence Act, 1872, a longstanding custom can be admitted in court as a legal right. Courts have repeatedly upheld this principle, especially when it concerns family law in tribal communities. The Hatti community in Sirmaur shares deep-rooted kinship ties and cultural practices with Jaunsar-Bawar — an area that was historically part of the princely state of Sirmaur before its incorporation into modern-day Uttarakhand. Today, the Tons River serves as both a geographic and policy boundary: while the Jaunsari Hatti on the Uttarakhand side are recognised as a Scheduled Tribe, their counterparts in Himachal continue to await similar protections. Though Parliament passed a bill to grant them ST status in 2022, the Himachal Pradesh High Court stayed its implementation in January 2024, citing 'manifest arbitrariness' in the classification process. The case is currently sub judice. Both Harshwardhan and former Deputy Advocate General Himachal Pradesh Chander Mohan Thakur note that despite lack of formal recognition to the Hatti community in Himachal Pradesh several court cases involving the Hatti community in Himachal have been settled under customary law, specifically the Jodidara system. Thakur cites the Lokur Committee Report (1965), according to which the first official criteria for identifying a Scheduled Tribe was: 'primitive traits, distinctive culture, geographical isolation, shyness of contact, and backwardness.' 'Any custom that contradicts public policy can be struck down. But when it comes to tribal communities, their custom prevails over general law,' says Thakur. MLA Harshwardhan agrees: 'There are several tribal traits in the Trans-Giri region, and that includes polyandry. Customary law takes precedence in such cases. Several disputes have been resolved under these customs.' Revenue officers, too, often encounter the system in land records. 'When a new official comes in,' Sharma says, 'we have to explain how Jodidara works — one wife, at least two fraternal husbands, one household.' Aishwarya Khosla is a journalist currently serving as Deputy Copy Editor at The Indian Express. Her writings examine the interplay of culture, identity, and politics. She began her career at the Hindustan Times, where she covered books, theatre, culture, and the Punjabi diaspora. Her editorial expertise spans the Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Chandigarh, Punjab and Online desks. She was the recipient of the The Nehru Fellowship in Politics and Elections, where she studied political campaigns, policy research, political strategy and communications for a year. She pens The Indian Express newsletter, Meanwhile, Back Home. Write to her at or You can follow her on Instagram: @ink_and_ideology, and X: @KhoslaAishwarya. ... Read More
Indian Express
5 days ago
- Indian Express
‘Himachal Pradesh polyandry': This is not a news. It is Savarna gaze
John B Bogart, an American journalist, while defining news, famously said, 'When a dog bites a man, that is not news. However, if a man bites a dog, that is news'. The idea of news has transformed over time, but what has remained constant is its emphasis on 'unusual'— its earnest desire to identify anything that deflects from the 'norm'. This norm is shaped by the dominant, hegemonic gaze. And any aberration becomes 'news'. When the marriage of a tribal woman to two brothers in Himachal Pradesh hit the headlines last week and was discussed threadbare across social media, it was a departure from the monolithic understanding of heteronormative marriage. It represented three things: First, the Savarna gaze that exoticises tribal practices; second, the lack of knowledge about diverse tribal cultures and histories; and third, the lack of vocabulary and assimilationist worldview – an indomitable desire to define everything through the existing epistemological framework, without understanding specific cultural context. Two schools of thought have historically dominated the Savarna perception of tribals – Verrier Elwin's exclusion theory, which recommends isolation of tribals, and G S Ghurye's assimilationist approach that considers tribals as 'backward Hindus' and bats for their assimilation into the larger Hindu society. Though many scholars, including Virginius Xaxa, Alpa Shah, read tribal cultures beyond this binary, the popular perception hasn't changed. When the marriage of two brothers with one woman from the Hatti tribe 'broke' the internet, the limitation of these dominant approaches became evident. First, it was considered 'unusual' and 'newsworthy' because it represents a hole in the assimilationist and Sanskritised template. Second, it also brings a practice prevalent among the 'excluded' others into the mainstream, adding 'oddity'— one of the 'news' elements taught in media schools. Unlike caste society, different tribal groups practice multiple forms of marriage, and they are often connected to preserving natural resources, either for the clan or for the family. The tradition of a woman married to two brothers comes from the concern of land. If the brothers marry different women and start separate families, their ancestral land would be divided. Given the limited cultivable land in the hilly areas, this tradition worked as a safeguard against such divisions. J P Singh Rana, in his book Marriage and Customs of Tribes in India, mentions that in such families, 'all sons are considered entitled to equal shares of their father's holding, although in practice they hardly divide but live with wife, land, house and cattle in common'. This practice is also found among many tribal communities – Tiyan, Toda, Kota, Khasha, Ladakhi Bota – who live across the Himalayan tracts, from Himachal Pradesh to Assam. The Lahulis of Chamba, however, follow an additional ritual where the younger bridegroom gives a rupee to the mother of the bride, claiming his status as the second husband. This tradition of giving a price to claim the status of husband is also connected to another predominant tribal custom: Bride price. This is mostly understood as a payment made by the husband to the family from whom he takes away the daughter, a crucial labour who participates in every cultivation work, except ploughing. Notably, the bride price is determined by the bride herself. Anthropologist B K Roy Burman, in his research, notes that 'It is not uncommon for a girl to wait till her mid-30s before she can find someone who can pay the bride price and become her partner in life.' Notably, in all of these cases, tribal women enjoy social dignity and high status. Anthropologist Furer-Haimendorf, in reference to Naga tribes, wrote in 1933, 'Many women in most civilised parts of India may well envy the women of the Naga Hills, their high status and their free, happy life.' Another anthropologist, J H Hutton, noted that Sema Naga women were free to choose their grooms; no girl was married against their will. The women in tribal society have had much better social status than their caste Hindu counterparts for centuries. Against this backdrop, when reports try to find out the 'will' of the bride in what is apparently known as the 'Himachal Pradesh polyandry case', it represents nothing but our intrinsic desire to find a 'victim' in tribal women. Moreover, the focus on the word 'polyandry' – among the Hatti community, it is known as 'jajda' – shows the lack of vocabulary to translate an indigenous practice into the prevalent lingual framework. 'Jajda' doesn't happen without the context of 'preserving natural resources'. Similarly, among the Garasia tribe, who mostly live in Rajasthan, unmarried couples follow a social arrangement called 'dopa'. They elope with their chosen partners, and when they come back, they pay a good amount to the woman's family and stay together without getting married. They also give birth to children, without fearing the social stigma that is prevalent in caste society. Sometimes, this arrangement is called a 'live-in' relationship, which also doesn't portray the actual reality. Here, the couple doesn't stay together to find compatibility; rather, that is their form of togetherness. From gaze to vocabulary, our understanding is marred by presumptive notions. We need to think beyond binaries and find ways to understand diverse customs in their own essence. Otherwise, it is not news, it is simply Savarna gaze.
