Himachal polyandry: 1 bride, 2 grooms, but how do intimate relations play out in this marriage?
The spotlight recently returned to this tradition earlier this month, after two brothers from Shillai village of Sirmaur district married the same woman in accordance with tribal customs.
Sunita Chauhan, who recently married brothers Pradeep and Kapil Negi, said they are proud of the tradition, that the marriage was a joint decision, and that they were under no pressure.
The tradition of 'Jodidara' is recognised under Himachal Pradesh's revenue laws and finds space under sections 494 and 495 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which deal with marital relationships.
However, for the unsuspecting, the mere mention of sharing a wife brings up a sea of queries. Fortunately, former chief minister YS Parmar wrote his PhD thesis on the same century-old tradition.
Also Read | 1 wife, 2 brothers as husbands in this Himachal wedding: What's the rare tradition and why is it practised?
His thesis titled – Polyandry in Himalayas: Socio-economic background of Himalayan Polyandry at Lucknow University – extensively studied the practice.
How time is shared among husbands
In his research, Parmar explains that in fraternal polyandry, the wife has the autonomy to decide how time is distributed among the husbands. According to Live Hindustan, which cited Parmar, the wife must provide equal love and time to all brothers to prevent jealousy.
On page 91 of his book, Parmar describes how sometimes a cap or shoe is placed outside the room to indicate that the wife is with a particular husband, though this assumes the household has more than one room, which is not always the case in poorer families.
Also Read | Woman marries 2 brothers in Himachal to keep alive rare tradition: 'Proud of our history'
"In most cases, the wife sleeps with all her husbands in the same room... she decides, according to her own wish, which husband to be with that night. However, she performs her duties with each brother in turn. Typically, equal time is given to all husbands. Complaints rarely arise," Parmar notes in his book, as reported by Live Hindustan.
Beyond intimacy, the wife typically manages the household, including the kitchen, cattle fodder, and farm work.
If the workload is too much, she may request that another woman join the household, who then becomes wife to all brothers as well.
Economic, cultural, and emotional reasons behind 'Jodidara'
Members of the Hatti tribe assert that polyandry helps maintain family unity and protect small landholdings.
"Keeping small landholdings intact and less expense on weddings were the economics behind the tradition," said OP Sharma, former chairman of the Dr. YS Parmar Chair at Himachal Pradesh University. He added that Parmar did not encourage the practice due to concerns over women's rights.
However, some people campare it to the modern 'live-in relations', a law student cited by PTI, said, 'If live-in relations are accepted, then why is there an issue with age-old traditions? There are 15-20 families in my village Koti (Sirmaur district) where a woman is married to more than one man and we want the tradition to continue.'
"Relations stay healthy in the family and land stays intact in joint marriage," said Balma Devi. Another community member, Sant Ram, added: 'Polyandry is an old tradition in which brotherhood remains and expenses are handled adequately. We four brothers are married to two women.'
Himachal's Hatti tribes
The Hatti tribe, a close-knit community on the Himachal-Uttarakhand border, was granted Scheduled Tribe status three years ago. Community leaders believe their recognition stems in part from adherence to traditional practices like polyandry.
"We have got tribal status due to such old traditional practices which also find mention in revenue records. Polyandry is prevalent in about 150 villages in the Trans Giri area of Sirmaur district," said Ramesh Singta, spokesperson of Hatti Vikas Manch, reported PTI.
Though such marriages are now increasingly conducted quietly, they are still accepted by many in the community, village elders say.
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Hindustan Times
a day ago
- Hindustan Times
Himachal polyandry: 1 bride, 2 grooms, but how do intimate relations play out in this marriage?
The ancient tradition of polyandry, where a woman marries multiple men, preferably brothers, still exists in parts of Himachal Pradesh. Primarily practised to avoid property division among brothers, the Hatti tribe in the state continues 'Jodidara' to this day. Bride Sunita Chauhan with grooms Pradeep and Kapil Negi during their traditional polyandrous wedding ceremony in Himachal Pradesh's Shillai village, attended by members of the Hatti tribe.(X/@BalbirKumar23) The spotlight recently returned to this tradition earlier this month, after two brothers from Shillai village of Sirmaur district married the same woman in accordance with tribal customs. Sunita Chauhan, who recently married brothers Pradeep and Kapil Negi, said they are proud of the tradition, that the marriage was a joint decision, and that they were under no pressure. The tradition of 'Jodidara' is recognised under Himachal Pradesh's revenue laws and finds space under sections 494 and 495 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which deal with marital relationships. However, for the unsuspecting, the mere mention of sharing a wife brings up a sea of queries. Fortunately, former chief minister YS Parmar wrote his PhD thesis on the same century-old tradition. Also Read | 1 wife, 2 brothers as husbands in this Himachal wedding: What's the rare tradition and why is it practised? His thesis titled – Polyandry in Himalayas: Socio-economic background of Himalayan Polyandry at Lucknow University – extensively studied the practice. How time is shared among husbands In his research, Parmar explains that in fraternal polyandry, the wife has the autonomy to decide how time is distributed among the husbands. According to Live Hindustan, which cited Parmar, the wife must provide equal love and time to all brothers to prevent jealousy. On page 91 of his book, Parmar describes how sometimes a cap or shoe is placed outside the room to indicate that the wife is with a particular husband, though this assumes the household has more than one room, which is not always the case in poorer families. Also Read | Woman marries 2 brothers in Himachal to keep alive rare tradition: 'Proud of our history' "In most cases, the wife sleeps with all her husbands in the same room... she decides, according to her own wish, which husband to be with that night. However, she performs her duties with each brother in turn. Typically, equal time is given to all husbands. Complaints rarely arise," Parmar notes in his book, as reported by Live Hindustan. Beyond intimacy, the wife typically manages the household, including the kitchen, cattle fodder, and farm work. If the workload is too much, she may request that another woman join the household, who then becomes wife to all brothers as well. Economic, cultural, and emotional reasons behind 'Jodidara' Members of the Hatti tribe assert that polyandry helps maintain family unity and protect small landholdings. "Keeping small landholdings intact and less expense on weddings were the economics behind the tradition," said OP Sharma, former chairman of the Dr. YS Parmar Chair at Himachal Pradesh University. He added that Parmar did not encourage the practice due to concerns over women's rights. However, some people campare it to the modern 'live-in relations', a law student cited by PTI, said, 'If live-in relations are accepted, then why is there an issue with age-old traditions? There are 15-20 families in my village Koti (Sirmaur district) where a woman is married to more than one man and we want the tradition to continue.' "Relations stay healthy in the family and land stays intact in joint marriage," said Balma Devi. Another community member, Sant Ram, added: 'Polyandry is an old tradition in which brotherhood remains and expenses are handled adequately. We four brothers are married to two women.' Himachal's Hatti tribes The Hatti tribe, a close-knit community on the Himachal-Uttarakhand border, was granted Scheduled Tribe status three years ago. Community leaders believe their recognition stems in part from adherence to traditional practices like polyandry. "We have got tribal status due to such old traditional practices which also find mention in revenue records. Polyandry is prevalent in about 150 villages in the Trans Giri area of Sirmaur district," said Ramesh Singta, spokesperson of Hatti Vikas Manch, reported PTI. Though such marriages are now increasingly conducted quietly, they are still accepted by many in the community, village elders say.
Indian Express
4 days ago
- Indian Express
One bride, two grooms: The story of Himachal's Hattis and the tradition of polyandry
On a sun-drenched July afternoon, the beat of wedding drums echoed across the hills of Shillai, a remote Himalayan village in the Trans-Giri belt of Himachal Pradesh's Sirmaur district. As villagers danced the pahari nati and showered flower petals, the bride, Sunita Chauhan, participated in the traditional wedding rituals. But what set the wedding apart was the presence of not one, but two grooms. The wedding, which has since gone viral and sparked curiosity and debate beyond the state borders, is neither scandalous nor new to the region. It is a remnant of the fading ancient practice known colloquially as Jodidara or Jajda, a form of polyandry in which one woman marries brothers. Though the tradition now survives discreetly among members of the Hatti community, the custom was common across the rugged, agrarian region until a few decades ago. 'Twenty-five years ago, it was not unusual,' says Harshwardhan Chauhan, Himachal Pradesh's Industries, Labour, and Parliamentary Affairs Minister and the MLA for Shillai. 'But in the past decade, I would estimate fewer than 50 such weddings have taken place.' For outsiders, such marriages may evoke a sense of otherness and raise questions about gender, autonomy, and modernity. But in Shillai (Sirmour) and other tribal areas of Himachal Pradesh, including Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti, polyandry is tied to land, legacy, and survival. The Hatti community — which got its name as they traditionally sold agrarian goods in marketplaces called hatts — spans about 450 villages across the Trans-Giri region of Himachal Pradesh and bordering areas of Uttarakhand. These tightly-knit agricultural communities once relied on collective labour to make ends meet. For centuries, the region's geography, steep slopes, fragmented terraced fields, and sparse infrastructure dictated a kind of economic and familial pragmatism. In this context, polyandry served a specific and functional purpose: preserving undivided ancestral land and fostering cooperation in joint families. Sitaram Sharma, chairperson, a public school in Shillai, remembers growing up in a joint household where his father and grandfather practiced Jajda. 'Only about five percent of families still follow it,' he says. 'Up until around 50 years, both polyandry and polygamy were practiced in the community. Families had no land, there were no jobs, and survival depended on staying together.' Families often had only a bigha or two of cultivable land — barely enough for one household, let alone many. To divide it further, Sharma says, would have been catastrophic. 'If four brothers married four wives, their children would split the land again and again. Jajda ensured land stayed whole, and families stayed together.' His reflections are echoed by the first chief minister of Himachal Pradesh YS Parmar, who, in his 1975 ethnographic study Polyandry in the Himalayas, wrote, 'The real reason for the existence of polyandry is economic. It is the best system suited to the conditions of the people where division of land is not possible and joint cultivation is advantageous.' Beyond economics, the practice wove an emotional lattice among siblings. 'Fraternal polyandry binds brothers together. It discourages fission in the household and promotes unity, since the brothers have a common wife, common children, and shared responsibilities,' says Sharma. It was also, in many ways, a form of population control. 'It regulated reproduction naturally. By limiting the number of wives in a family, it also limited the number of children, thereby conserving resources,' Parmar added. For many locals, especially among the older generation, the practice is sanctified by religious mythology. In the Mahabharata, Draupadi — wife to the Pandavas — is considered the first Jajda bride. 'People say, if such great men could live like this, why not us?' says Sharma. Parmar writes of it too: 'The custom has its sanction in mythology and legend. The people of the region continue to follow the example of these legendary heroes.' But today, such explanations are met with discomfort, or outright silence. A 2025 study by sociologists Shiv Kumar and Thakur Prem Kumar, published in the peer-reviewed Journal of Neonatal Surgery, attributes the decline to education and employment. 'Youngsters are hesitant,' Sharma says. 'They work in cities, some go abroad. They are scared of being mocked.' 'Earlier, people had no choice. Now people are stepping out, getting educated, watching the world through screens and books. The joint family is giving way to nuclear,' he adds. However, Shravan Kumar, 42, an assistant professor from Lahaul-Spiti, argues that such marriages are neither regressive or coercive. 'Couples in these relationships are not forced into anything,' he says. 'They live lives with perfect autonomy, not unlike traditional two-partner marriages. If the three partners do not get along, the bride or one, or both, of the grooms can initiate divorce through a simple ceremony that translates to 'breaking the thread.'' Though increasingly rare, polyandry remains prevalent across several Himalayan communities, including certain high-altitude pockets of Nepal and Tibet. Palki Tsering, a 37-year-old researcher from Kinnaur and general secretary of the Lahaul-Spiti Bodh Sangh, a local organisation focused on the welfare of the Buddhist community in the Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti regions, notes, 'Both polygamy and polyandry are indeed practiced among the Hatti community and in tribal regions of Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti. Though the practice has declined over the years, it now tends to be more consent-based rather than arranged.' Case in point: Sunita Chauhan, the bride, was quoted by news reports as saying: 'I was aware of the tradition and made my decision without any pressure. I respect the bond we have formed.' In her case, one husband, Pradeep from Shillai village, works in a government department, while the other, Kapil, is employed abroad. Tsering says the tradition originally served a practical purpose: 'In the rugged terrains of Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti, consolidating property and land was essential. One son would typically work outside the village to earn a living, while the other stayed back to manage the household and community affairs.' Even today, the economic rationale persists. Maintaining multiple households is financially burdensome, especially with the added cost of raising children. As Tsering explains, 'If brothers marry different women, they are treated as separate households and must each contribute separately to the village community. A household of three brothers with one wife is considered one household and will thus only contribute once.' Sushil Brongpa of Lahaul-Spiti, former Rajya Sabha MP, recalls encountering a study on his family at Patiala University in 1971. The book, A Study of Polyandry by Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, was published by Cambridge University Press. Brongpa shared, 'My uncle and father had a common wife, and I, too, share a wife with my uncle's son. The system ensured that both land and the family stayed together.' Wedding rituals in these regions also diverge notably from typical North Indian customs. Rather than a groom arriving with a baraat, the entire village often visits the grooms' house. The ceremony includes offerings of jaggery and invocation of the Kul Devta (family deity). A unique ritual called Seenj is performed at the groom's residence. Brongpa recalls simpler forms of marriage in earlier times: 'With limited resources, 'gandharv' weddings — unions without elaborate rituals — were common. Sometimes, the elder brother and his friends would simply bring the bride home. In some cases, a bottle of liquor sufficed as a symbolic shagun, or a small advance would be given as a token for the woman's security.' Under Indian law, polyandry is not legally recognised. The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 and the Special Marriage Act require monogamy, that is, neither party may have a living spouse at the time of marriage. Section 82 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) criminalises bigamy with up to seven years' imprisonment. If the prior marriage was concealed from the new spouse, the imprisonment can extend to 10 years. However, these laws do not automatically apply to members of Scheduled Tribes (STs) unless extended by the central government. This legal loophole allows for customary practices, like Jodidara, to survive in tribal regions. Under Section 13 of the Indian Evidence Act, 1872, a longstanding custom can be admitted in court as a legal right. Courts have repeatedly upheld this principle, especially when it concerns family law in tribal communities. The Hatti community in Sirmaur shares deep-rooted kinship ties and cultural practices with Jaunsar-Bawar — an area that was historically part of the princely state of Sirmaur before its incorporation into modern-day Uttarakhand. Today, the Tons River serves as both a geographic and policy boundary: while the Jaunsari Hatti on the Uttarakhand side are recognised as a Scheduled Tribe, their counterparts in Himachal continue to await similar protections. Though Parliament passed a bill to grant them ST status in 2022, the Himachal Pradesh High Court stayed its implementation in January 2024, citing 'manifest arbitrariness' in the classification process. The case is currently sub judice. Both Harshwardhan and former Deputy Advocate General Himachal Pradesh Chander Mohan Thakur note that despite lack of formal recognition to the Hatti community in Himachal Pradesh several court cases involving the Hatti community in Himachal have been settled under customary law, specifically the Jodidara system. Thakur cites the Lokur Committee Report (1965), according to which the first official criteria for identifying a Scheduled Tribe was: 'primitive traits, distinctive culture, geographical isolation, shyness of contact, and backwardness.' 'Any custom that contradicts public policy can be struck down. But when it comes to tribal communities, their custom prevails over general law,' says Thakur. MLA Harshwardhan agrees: 'There are several tribal traits in the Trans-Giri region, and that includes polyandry. Customary law takes precedence in such cases. Several disputes have been resolved under these customs.' Revenue officers, too, often encounter the system in land records. 'When a new official comes in,' Sharma says, 'we have to explain how Jodidara works — one wife, at least two fraternal husbands, one household.' Aishwarya Khosla is a journalist currently serving as Deputy Copy Editor at The Indian Express. Her writings examine the interplay of culture, identity, and politics. She began her career at the Hindustan Times, where she covered books, theatre, culture, and the Punjabi diaspora. Her editorial expertise spans the Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Chandigarh, Punjab and Online desks. She was the recipient of the The Nehru Fellowship in Politics and Elections, where she studied political campaigns, policy research, political strategy and communications for a year. She pens The Indian Express newsletter, Meanwhile, Back Home. Write to her at or You can follow her on Instagram: @ink_and_ideology, and X: @KhoslaAishwarya. ... Read More
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First Post
6 days ago
- First Post
Gaza has been starving for months. So why hasn't a famine been declared?
Nearly all the 2 million Palestinians in the Gaza strip depend on outside aid. Local food production was extremely limited prior the Israeli offensive. It has since been completely eradicated. The UN says Gaza's hunger crisis has reached 'new and astonishing levels of desperation'. So why hasn't a famine been declared? read more Palestinian people with empty bowls wait for food at a donation point in Rafah. The widespread hunger and malnutrition in Gaza is catastrophic, UN has said. (Photo: NPR) Gaza has been on the brink of famine for months. Palestinians are said to be starving. Israel in May relaxed an over two month blockade on the Gaza strip. However, aids groups say not enough food is getting through. They Palestinians are facing unimaginable levels of hunger. Meanwhile, Israeli forces have killed hundreds trying to get to aid sites and convoys – though the military denies this. So why hasn't a famine been declared? The crisis Nearly all the 2 million Palestinians in the Gaza strip depend on outside aid. Local food production was extremely limited prior the Israeli offensive. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD It has since been completely eradicated. The UN World Food Program says Gaza's hunger crisis has reached 'new and astonishing levels of desperation.' They say around 100,000 women and children are suffering from severe acute malnutrition. Around one-third of Gaza's population is spending days without eating, according to UN director for emergencies Ross Smith. On Tuesday alone over 100 people suffering hunger and malnutrition died – though the cause was not officially listed as such. Most of these were children. When is a famine declared? The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) is widely regarded as the leading international authority on food crises. The IPC was established during the Somalia famine in 2004. It comprises several UN agencies, aid groups, governments and other bodies. It says famine can appear in pockets — sometimes small ones — and a formal classification requires caution. The IPC has only declared famine on only a handful of occasions. This includes Somalia in 2011, and South Sudan in 2017 and 2020, and last year in parts of Sudan's western Darfur region. Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) has only declared famine on only a handful of occasions. Tens of thousands are believed to have died in Somalia and South Sudan. It classifies an area as being in famine when all three of these conditions are confirmed: STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Twenty per cent of households have an extreme lack of food, or are essentially starving. At least 30 per cent of children six months to five years old suffer from acute malnutrition or wasting, meaning they're too thin for their height. At least two people or four children under five per 10,000 are dying daily due to starvation or the interaction of malnutrition and disease. Gaza, meanwhile, is an even bigger challenge for experts. This is because access to the strip is severely limited – making gathering reliable information nearly impossible. Governments usually declare famine Famine declarations usually are usually made by the governments themselves or the United Nations. While the IPC says it is the 'primary mechanism' used by the international community to conclude whether a famine is happening or projected, it typically doesn't make such a declaration itself. Often, UN officials together with governments will make a formal statement based on an analysis from the IPC. But the IPC says once a famine is declared it's already too late. While it can prevent further deaths, it means many people will have died by the time a famine is declared. Hunger as cause of death? Most cases of severe malnutrition in children arise through a combination of lack of nutrients along with an infection, leading to diarrhea and other symptoms that cause dehydration, said Alex de Waal, author of 'Mass Starvation: The History and Future of Famine' and executive director of the World Peace Foundation. 'There are no standard guidelines for physicians to classify cause of death as 'malnutrition' as opposed to infection,' he said. Palestinians gather to receive food from a charity kitchen, amid a hunger crisis, in Gaza City, July 22, 2025. File Image/Reuters When famine occurs, there are often relatively few deaths from hunger alone, with far more people dying from a combination of malnutrition, disease and other forms of deprivation. All of these count as excess deaths — separate from violence — that can be attributed to a food crisis or famine, he said. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Reliable information is hard to find Israel's offensive has gutted Gaza's health system and displaced some 90 per cent of its population. With hospitals damaged and overwhelmed by war casualties, it can be difficult to screen people for malnutrition and collect precise data on deaths. 'Data and surveillance systems are incomplete and eroded,' said James Smith, an emergency doctor and lecturer in humanitarian policy at the University College London who spent more than two months in Gaza. 'Which means that all health indicators — and the death toll — are known to be an underestimation,' he said. 'Not a huge bank account' A declaration of famine should in theory galvanize the international community to rush food to those who need it. But with aid budgets already stretched, and war and politics throwing up obstacles, that doesn't always happen. 'There is not a big, huge bank account' to draw on, said OCHA's Laerke. 'The fundamental problem is that we build the fire engine as we respond.' Aid groups say plenty of food and other aid has been gathered on Gaza's borders, but Israel is allowing only a small amount to enter. Within Gaza, gunfire, chaos and looting have plagued the distribution of food. The Israeli military says it has facilitated the entry of some 4,500 aid trucks since mid-May. That's far below the 600 trucks a day that aid groups say are needed, and which entered during a six-week ceasefire earlier this year. An Israeli-backed American contractor is also distributing food. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD UN agencies say Israeli restrictions, and the breakdown of law and order, make it difficult to distribute the food that does come in. 'Only a massive scale-up in food aid distributions can stabilize this spiraling situation, calm anxieties and rebuild the trust within communities that more food is coming,' the World Food Program said over the weekend. 'An agreed ceasefire is long overdue.'
