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Kenya presents budget a year after massive demos

Kenya presents budget a year after massive demos

Eyewitness News2 days ago

NAIROBI - Kenya's government was set to present its budget to parliament on Thursday, carefully prepared to avoid a repeat of massive protests over tax hikes a year ago.
The east African nation is a regional economic powerhouse, but tensions have simmered over the soaring cost of living and a stagnant job market.
Last year's finance bill sparked huge public anger by raising taxes on everyday items, culminating in thousands storming parliament on 25 June, forcing President William Ruto to cancel the bill.
At least 60 people were killed in weeks of protests, and rights groups say dozens more were illegally detained by security forces in the aftermath.
This year the government has played it safe.
Rather than tax hikes for consumers, the new bill has focused more on businesses, while seeking to reduce government spending and close tax loopholes as a way to increase revenues.
The government faces a daunting task in boosting social services and investment in the face of huge debts - a common issue across Africa - with interest payments already greater than its spending on health and education.
Analysts say the new budget is unlikely to provoke the public anger of last year, but critics say it still includes backdoor price increases and will hurt small businesses.
"This year's finance bill is, in comparison to last year's, very much seeking to avoid controversy," said Patricia Rodrigues, of global consultancy Control Risks.
But she said it will be "difficult for a lot of businesses to swallow because it includes potential increases on income taxes and social contributions, and the end of some tax holidays for corporates and medium and small enterprises".
The World Bank earlier this year reduced its growth projections for Kenya from 5.0 to 4.5 percent in 2025.
Kenya is currently seeking a new agreement with the International Monetary Fund, meaning its funding will not be included in the budget.
RIGHTS
A bigger concern for many Kenyans has been the government's rights record.
Last month, a young software developer was arrested and charged with cybercrime breaches after building a website opposing the new bill, which she said would raise living costs and undermine privacy rights by allowing greater data access for tax inspectors.
This week, news was dominated by the death of a man while in police custody after he criticised a senior officer.
Such incidents have attracted only small protests so far, but there is widespread anger across the country.
"Just because the tax issue is no longer at the forefront of people's minds does not mean that protests or unrest will not be mobilised," said Rodrigues.
"In recent months, the track record of the administration on human rights and corruption is what has been causing people to mobilise more," she said.

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BEE is at a Crossroads - But Who Benefits from Its Destruction?
BEE is at a Crossroads - But Who Benefits from Its Destruction?

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  • IOL News

BEE is at a Crossroads - But Who Benefits from Its Destruction?

BEE, as it has been implemented in too many cases, has failed to meet the aspirations of the majority, writes the author. Gumede is right to point to the recycling of beneficiaries, the political gatekeeping, and the elite capture of empowerment deals. But he is wrong, dangerously wrong, if his insight is used to argue for scrapping BEE altogether. Let me be clear: BEE, as it has been implemented in too many cases, has failed to meet the aspirations of the majority. It is a critique we cannot afford to ignore. But neither can we afford to allow this critique to be weaponised by those who have always opposed transformation, to delegitimise the very idea of economic justice in post-apartheid South Africa. The recent critique by Professor William Gumede that over R1 trillion has been 'transferred' under Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) to fewer than 100 politically connected individuals is a sobering wake-up call. It is ironic that the same voices calling BEE 'racist' rarely propose solutions to white economic over-representation. Here are the facts: 8 of the top 10 richest South Africans remain white men. Over 70% of agricultural land remains under white ownership. Access to venture capital, export markets, and finance remains racially skewed. The idea that 'BEE is the biggest scam in post-apartheid SA' dangerously distracts from the real structural crisis: the continued racial and gendered concentration of wealth. Certainly not the millions of unemployed black youth in townships and rural villages. Not the historically disadvantaged communities who still lack access to capital, land, and markets. And not the African, Indian and Coloured women who remain structurally excluded from the mainstream economy. We must ask ourselves: who benefits when BEE is destroyed instead of reformed? Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. The only ones who benefit from the collapse of BEE are those who were never in favour of transformation in the first place the economic oligarchs who would be thrilled to return to a status quo of white dominance wrapped in the language of meritocracy. Despite limitations, BEE is not a failure: Over 6 million black South Africans now hold direct or indirect ownership in companies through broad-based share schemes (e.g. MTN Zakhele, SASOL Inzalo, Phuthuma Nathi at MultiChoice). Black ownership on the JSE has grown from less than 1% in 1994 to an estimated 25–30% today (direct + indirect via funds and B-BBEE schemes). Over 50,000 black-owned SMEs have been supported via enterprise and supplier development obligations. BEE has enabled the creation of black industrialists, catalysed youth training schemes, and expanded procurement access. The BEE scorecard includes ownership, skills development, employment equity, socio-economic development, and procurement. It is a multidimensional framework, not simply elite enrichment. However now that we know better , we must do better. Acknowledge the Failures, But Don't Abandon the Mission As a former Member of Parliament and lifelong activist for social and economic justice, I have seen first-hand how some BEE deals were little more than rent-seeking schemes. Politically connected figures often acted as fronts for white capital, offering legitimacy without empowerment. These are not just moral failings they are strategic betrayals of the people. But the answer is not abandonment. It is reform, accountability, and reorientation toward true broad-based empowerment. We must ask: What models have worked? What does inclusive, community-rooted BEE look like? And how do we ensure that BEE no longer becomes a revolving door for the same elite, but instead a ladder for the many? 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Zambia's youngest mayor calls on South African youth to take charge of local governance
Zambia's youngest mayor calls on South African youth to take charge of local governance

IOL News

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Zambia's youngest mayor calls on South African youth to take charge of local governance

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The real story behind South Africa's unemployment figures
The real story behind South Africa's unemployment figures

IOL News

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The real story behind South Africa's unemployment figures

South Africa's unemployment rate has risen to 32.9%. Image: File SOUTH Africa's unemployment rate is a lightning rod for political debate, economic anxiety, and public frustration. In the wake of Capitec CEO Gerrie Fourie's claim that the 'real' unemployment rate is closer to 10%, far below Statistics South Africa's official 32.9%, the national conversation has reignited. Critics of Statistics South Africa (StatsSA) suggest that the official figures are not just technical measures but political artefacts that erase the economic activity of millions in the informal sector. But does this criticism stand up to scrutiny? The answer is more nuanced than the headlines suggest. Capitec CEO, Gerrie Fourie. Image: Supplied Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Why Would Anyone Overstate Unemployment? Let's start with the most provocative claim: that StatsSA and the government have a motive to overstate unemployment. This accusation defies both political logic and institutional practice. High unemployment is a political liability, not an asset. It invites criticism, undermines investor confidence, and puts government performance under the microscope. If there were any incentive, it would be to understate the problem, not exaggerate it. A trend we see in a number of African countries where the official unemployment rates are so low they defy logic and reality. StatsSA is an independent institution that, while not perfect, has a lot of credibility. Its data is scrutinised by economists, international agencies, and the media. Any manipulation or systematic bias would be quickly exposed by these watchdogs. In reality, the agency's credibility depends on its objectivity and adherence to global standards. Does StatsSA Ignore Informal Work? The Evidence Says No A central argument in the current debate is that StatsSA's methodology 'renders millions invisible' by failing to count informal work. This is simply not true. 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Comparing Apples and Oranges: International Context The arguments supporting Fourie's claims point to countries like India, Brazil, and Zimbabwe, where unemployment rates are low despite massive informality, and suggest South Africa is an outlier. But this comparison ignores key differences: Economic Structure: South Africa's informal sector is smaller than in many developing countries, partly due to regulatory and historical factors. In India, almost any economic activity, no matter how marginal, is counted as employment, even if it's not enough to survive on. Definitions Matter: Some countries use looser criteria for employment, counting sporadic or survivalist activity as work. South Africa's approach is more rigorous, aiming to distinguish between meaningful employment and mere survivalism. 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Hybrid Measurement: A Welcome Innovation, Not a Silver Bullet Calls to supplement survey data with financial transaction records and digital platform data are valid and should be explored. Capitec's own data on township transactions could offer valuable insights. But these are refinements, not fundamental corrections. The current statistics are not a 'mirage'; they are a sober reflection of a society where too many are locked out of meaningful work, formal or informal. Let's Fix the Economy, Not the Messenger It is true that black South Africans face disproportionately high unemployment rates and that the legacy of apartheid continues to shape economic opportunity. But this is not the result of statistical erasure; it is a reflection of structural realities. StatsSA's data exposes these inequalities; it does not create them. Nco Dube a political economist, businessman, and social commentator. Image: Supplied

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