
The Proxy Trap: How Pakistan's Deep State Undermines Peace With India
Last Updated:
The Pahalgam attack fulfilled its intent: to derail the fragile prospects for harmony and collaboration between India and Pakistan
A familiar and recurring pattern has once again unfolded in South Asia—every few years, as the region seems poised on the brink of enduring peace, destabilising forces with ties to Pakistan emerge to undermine such progress. Just as the Kashmir valley was settling into a climate of calm, order, and optimism for the future, terrorism resurfaced from obscurity. A firm and appropriate response was delivered. Yet, the attack fulfilled its intent: to derail the fragile prospects for harmony and collaboration between the neighbouring nations of India and Pakistan.
The roots of discord between the two nations predate their very existence. Within months of gaining independence, the neighbouring states engaged in war over the coveted region of Kashmir. Pakistan, unwilling to accept the decision of the ruler of Jammu and Kashmir decided to pursue an independent course, dispatched militias to seize control of the territory. In response, Maharaja Hari Singh appealed to Jawaharlal Nehru for assistance, offering accession to the newly established Indian Union.
The subsequent developments, including United Nations mediation, resulted in a provisional ceasefire line—later formalised in 1972 as the 'Line of Control' (LoC). Pakistan illegally occupied one-third of Kashmir, a position it continues to hold. A further violent conflict broke out in 1965 when Pakistan initiated an incursion across the ceasefire line. The following year, Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri and Pakistani President Ayub Khan agreed to cease hostilities and pursue peaceful avenues for resolving their disputes.
The 1970s began with a devastating setback for Pakistan, as its eastern region, oppressed under Islamabad's brutal governance, rose in rebellion to demand independence. India, motivated by both humanitarian concerns and strategic interests, supported the liberation movement, culminating in the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. In the aftermath, recognising its significant lack of strategic depth and conventional military parity with India, the Pakistani establishment—particularly the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI)—revised its security strategy. Pakistan's participation in equipping and training Afghan fighters during the US-led response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan provided it with the necessary framework to pursue this updated approach—proxy warfare.
From the late 1980s onward, Pakistan's military and intelligence establishment fomented armed insurgency in Indian-administered Kashmir, resulting in prolonged cycles of violence and radicalisation. Throughout this period, Pakistan leveraged its strategic use of proxy militant groups to retain a veil of plausible deniability. Meanwhile, the imbalance in civil-military relations ensured that any initiative by civilian governments to advance bilateral dialogue was systematically undermined by the military, keen to safeguard its dominant position in national affairs.
At a time when the world viewed India and Pakistan with concern over their newly acquired nuclear capabilities, Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee met his Pakistani counterpart Nawaz Sharif to sign the historic 1999 Lahore Declaration. Both nations committed to confidence-building measures, multilateral cooperation, counter-terrorism efforts, nuclear and conventional security, and diplomatic dialogue concerning Kashmir. However, just months later, infiltrators supported by the Pakistani military occupied strategic positions in Kargil, Kashmir, sparking a limited conflict that resulted in the deaths of 527 Indian soldiers. Predictably, this severely undermined the diplomatic gains and intensified Indian distrust of Pakistan.
Once again, India chose to overcome the hostilities and offer the prospect of improved neighbourly relations with Pakistan. President Pervez Musharraf, presenting himself as a partner in the US-led post-9/11 'war on terror,' met with Prime Minister Vajpayee at the Agra Summit in 2001, raising hopes for renewed India-Pakistan dialogue. However, within a few months, India endured a horrific attack on its Parliament, which resulted in nine fatalities and was carried out by terrorists affiliated with the Pakistan-based group Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM).
Between 2004 and 2007, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh sought to achieve comprehensive peace with Pakistan and to reduce the Line of Control (LoC) to 'just a line on a map." Utilising backchannel diplomacy, he engaged with the Pakistani President to develop what became known as the 'Manmohan-Musharraf formula.' This included initiatives such as free movement and trade across the LoC, the historic Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus service, and the significant 2006 Havana meeting where both parties agreed to establish a joint anti-terrorism institutional framework, among other measures.
However, these efforts were ultimately rendered futile and deceptive when terrorists from the Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba carried out the 2008 Mumbai attacks, killing over 160 individuals. The sole surviving attacker, Ajmal Kasab, directly implicated the ISI in his confession, revealing that it had trained him and assisted in selecting targets.
When Narendra Modi extended conciliatory gestures towards Nawaz Sharif upon assuming office as Prime Minister, there was renewed optimism. However, this hope was swiftly dashed when terrorists linked to Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) attacked the Pathankot airbase. Later that year, the same group carried out the Uri attack, resulting in the deaths of 18 soldiers and prompting India to conduct surgical strikes on terrorist camps in Balakot. In the wake of the Uri attack, the 2016 SAARC summit scheduled to be held in Islamabad was cancelled, and the forum has not convened since. The JeM was once again responsible for the horrific 2019 Pulwama attack, which involved a suicide bombing of a CRPF convoy, killing 40 personnel.
The recent terrorist attack in Pahalgam, which claimed the lives of 25 Indian civilians and one Nepali citizen, follows a period of marked and sustained decline in terrorism within the Valley. In recent years, Jammu and Kashmir has experienced greater integration with India, notably following the abrogation of Article 370, alongside a surge in tourism, economic opportunities, and developmental initiatives. Consequently, Pakistan's deep state was compelled to intervene in an effort to derail this hopeful progress for both the people of Kashmir and the wider region.
top videos
View all
Any credible peace process between India and Pakistan depends fundamentally on genuine intent and transparency in actions. Pakistan's reliance on proxy terrorist groups as strategic tools undermines not only bilateral dialogue but also broader efforts towards regional cooperation and development, exemplified by the stagnation of SAARC. Pakistan faces a long and challenging journey if it is to change the practices that have caused extensive violence in the region. This journey must begin with a profound transformation of its civil-military relations and a significant reduction of its disproportionately influential and controversial military establishment that supports terrorism.
The writer is an author and a columnist. His X handle is @ArunAnandLive. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views.
tags :
india Pakistan
Location :
New Delhi, India, India
First Published:
May 27, 2025, 18:51 IST
News opinion Right Word | The Proxy Trap: How Pakistan's Deep State Undermines Peace With India
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Print
an hour ago
- The Print
Rahul slams EC's ‘unsigned' rebuttal of his Maharashtra poll rigging charge—'show voter rolls'
Earlier in April this year, ECI sources termed similar claims made by Rahul in the United States—first, in his address before the Indian diaspora in Boston, and second, at Brown University—as 'absurd'. In a social media post, the Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition (LoP) retorted that responses to 'serious questions' through 'unsigned, evasive notes' were unbecoming for a constitutional body such as ECI. 'Evasion won't protect your credibility. Telling the truth will,' Rahul posted on X. New Delhi: Not for the first time, Rahul Gandhi clashed with the Election Commission of India (ECI) Saturday over his allegation of 'industrial scale-rigging' during the Maharashtra assembly elections. The ECI indirectly clapped back at the Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition, reiterating that his charges were 'absurd', on the same day. However, this time, Rahul countered on X, saying: 'If you have nothing to hide, answer the questions in my article and prove it by: Publishing consolidated, digital, machine-readable voter rolls for the most recent elections to the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabhas of all states, including Maharashtra.' He also demanded the release of CCTV footage from inside the polling booths recorded from 5 pm on the counting day before the Maharashtra assembly election results. But, ECI is not required to do what he says under the law. In December 2024, the Centre amended the Conduct of Election Rules, effectively removing electronic footage—earlier open to public inspection—from the polling process by stamping it out from the definition of 'election papers'. On earlier occasions, Rahul Gandhi has represented the amendment as indicative of the ECI becoming 'compromised'. In opinion pieces published in different languages in different newspapers, the LoP Saturday repeated the allegations he has been making against the ECI for some time now. Rahul laid out a 'step-by-step' playbook of election rigging in his pieces. 'Step 1: Rig the panel for appointing the Election Commission. Step 2: Add fake voters to the roll. Step 3: Inflate voter turnout. Step 4: Target the bogus voting exactly where BJP needs to win. Step 5: Hide the evidence,' he wrote. Sharing his write-up on X, Rahul also appealed to people to go through the 'evidence', judge for themselves, and demand answers. 'Because the match-fixing of Maharashtra will come to Bihar next, and then anywhere, the BJP is losing.' Assembly elections are due in Bihar later this year. The LoP, through his writing, also sought to substantiate his allegation of rigging in the Maharashtra assembly polls by raising questions on the increase in registered electors in the state from 9.29 crore during the LS polls to 9.70 crore during the assembly polls. 'A crawl of 31 lakh in five years, then a leap of 41 lakh in just five months,' Rahul wrote. 'So incredible was this leap that the registered voter total of 9.70 crore was even greater than the 9.54 crore adults in Maharashtra according to the government's own estimates.' He also raised suspicions about the rise in total voter turnout between 5 pm and the final figures released by ECI, calling the huge difference a major red flag. 'The polling turnout at 5 pm was 58.22 percent. Even after voting closed, however, [the] turnout kept increasing more and more. The final turnout was reported only the next morning to be 66.05 percent … The unprecedented 7.83 percentage point increase is equivalent to 76 lakh voters—much higher than previous Vidhan Sabha elections in Maharashtra,' Rahul stated. Hours after the piece came out, the ECI, without naming anyone, relayed through its sources that 'defaming the poll panel after receiving an unfavourable verdict from the voters is absolutely absurd'. The ECI sources said the rise in total voter turnout is not abnormal in the slightest way and that Rahul's allegations about the electoral rolls had no substance. 'After the finalisation of the electoral rolls for the Maharashtra election, as against the 9,77,90,752 (over 9.77 crore) electors, only 89 appeals were filed before the first appellate authority—the district magistrate concerned—and only one was filed before the second appellate authority—the state chief electoral officer,' according to the sources. Therefore, the ECI sources added, it was amply clear that the Congress or any other political party had no grievance before the Maharashtra assembly elections, which it supervised in 2024. Asserting that the ECI has replied to all the allegations levelled by the Congress earlier on 24 December 2024, the ECI sources added that over one lakh booth-level officers of Maharashtra are waiting for the 'wild allegations' to turn into 'at least one single real appeal before district magistrates' in line with the election laws that exist to avoid discrepancies in the list of electors. (Edited by Madhurita Goswami) Also Read: Time to 'retire lame horse'—Rahul Gandhi hints at massive revamp of MP Congress unit


Indian Express
an hour ago
- Indian Express
Bengal: ‘How can PM take credit for Operation Sindoor' — Hakim's remarks spark row, BJP says ‘insult'
KOLKATA MAYOR and State Urban Development and Municipal Affairs minister Firhad Hakim sparked a controversy on Saturday after his remarks targeting Prime Minister Narendra Modi in connection with Operation Sindoor. The BJP reacted sharply, alleging that the TMC leader 'insulted' the PM and tried to 'downplay' Operation Sindoor. The TMC did not immediately respond to Hakim's remarks. While speaking to mediapersons, Hakim claimed, 'The Indian armed forces gave a befitting answer to Pakistan. How can the PM claim that he has done anything big? How can he take credit for Operation Sindoor?' In a post on X later on Saturday, the BJP wrote, 'Firhad Hakim — Mamata's loudest mouthpiece and the same man who once called parts of Kolkata 'mini Pakistan' — has now crossed every line. He downplayed Operation Sindoor, insulted PM Modi…this isn't political opposition — this is verbal treason. And Mamata Banerjee? Silent…' The BJP's state president Sukanta Majumdar said, 'Basically, Hakim has never taken a stance against Pakistan. During the erstwhile UPA government's tenure, no such steps were taken against Pakistan. That is why Hakim and some others are now finding it tough to accept that it was done.' Attaching a video of Hakim's purported remarks, BJP IT cell chief Amit Malviya accused the senior TMC leader of making a 'disgraceful attack' on the PM. Atri Mitra is a Special Correspondent of The Indian Express with more than 20 years of experience in reporting from West Bengal, Bihar and the North-East. He has been covering administration and political news for more than ten years and has a keen interest in political development in West Bengal. Atri holds a Master degree in Economics from Rabindrabharati University and Bachelor's degree from Calcutta University. He is also an alumnus of St. Xavier's, Kolkata and Ramakrishna Mission Asrama, Narendrapur. He started his career with leading vernacular daily the Anandabazar Patrika, and worked there for more than fifteen years. He worked as Bihar correspondent for more than three years for Anandabazar Patrika. He covered the 2009 Lok Sabha election and 2010 assembly elections. He also worked with News18-Bangla and covered the Bihar Lok Sabha election in 2019. ... Read More


The Hindu
an hour ago
- The Hindu
A General for all seasons
The comments made by Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Gen. Anil Chauhan, in an interview with an international media outlet, on the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore last month, triggered a flurry of sharp reactions from various quarters in India. Responding to the queries about the losses on the Indian side during Operation Sindoor, Gen. Chauhan confirmed what the Director General of Air Operations, Air Marshal A.K. Bharti, had alluded to at a joint briefing on May 11. 'We are in a combat scenario, losses are a part of combat. The question you must ask us we achieved our objective of decimating the terrorist camps? And the answer is a thumping yes!,' Air Marshal Bharti had said, not disclosing the exact details of the losses. Gen. Chauhan echoed the same in Singapore. 'What I can say is that on May 7, in the initial stages, there were losses, but the numbers — that's not important. What was important is why did these losses occur. So, we rectified that and then went back on 7th, 8th and 10th,' he said. During the military operation, which saw a full-spectrum and multi-domain kinetic action by the tri-services against a 'nuclear-armed' adversary, in close coordination with the intelligence agencies and para-military forces, the CDS played a critical role. A new post It was from the ramparts of Red Fort, during his Independence Day speech on August 15, 2019, that Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the creation of the post of CDS. As enumerated later by the Union Cabinet, CDS was also to head the Department of Military Affairs to deal with areas such as the armed forces, integrated headquarters of the Defence Ministry, jointness in procurement, training, and staffing for the services, restructuring of military commands for optimal utilisation of resources through establishment of joint theatre commands; and promoting use of indigenous defence equipment. CDS, who is also the permanent Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee, acts as the Principal Military Adviser to the Defence Minister on all tri-service matters. While the post is above the three Service Chiefs, it does not exercise any military command. Also read: Soldier Number One: on creation of CDS post Gen. Chauhan assumed charge as the country's second CDS on September 30, 2022, nine months after Gen. Bipin Rawat died in a chopper crash in December 2021. For the first time since independence, a three-star Lieutenant General-rank officer became a four-star General after retirement. During a career spanning over 40 years, Gen. Chauhan has held several key posts and possesses extensive experience in counter-insurgency operations in Jammu & Kashmir and the Northeast. 'Illustrious service' Born on May 18, 1961, he was commissioned into the 11 Gorkha Rifles of the Army in 1981. He is an alumnus of the National Defence Academy, Khadakwasla, and Indian Military Academy, Dehradun. As a Major General, he led an Infantry Division in the Baramulla sector in the Northern Command and later commanded a corps in the Northeast. He was the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Eastern Command from September 2019, and held the charge until his retirement from the service in May 2021. He then served as a Military Adviser to the National Security Council Secretariat from October 2021 to September 2022. Besides the command positions, he had also served as the Director General of Military Operations. 'For his distinguished and illustrious service in the Army, Lt. Gen. Anil Chauhan (Retired) was awarded the Param Vishisht Seva Medal, Uttam Yudh Seva Medal, Ati Vishisht Seva Medal, Sena Medal, and Vishisht Seva Medal,' as per a government note. Over the years, especially after the abrogation of Article 370 on August 5, 2019, the developmental initiatives undertaken by the government in all sectors started to show results in Jammu & Kashmir. Just when peace and prosperity seemed to be returning in the region, terrorists struck in Pahalgam on April 22. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who promised an unprecedented response, held meetings with top executive functionaries, including the Chief of Defence Staff. The armed forces and intelligence agencies were granted 'complete operational freedom' to determine the mode, targets, and the timing of India's response, according to the government. Several rounds of brainstorming resulted in the conception of Operation Sindoor. In the intervening night of May 6 and 7, nine terror bases located deep inside Pakistan and the Pakistan-occupied Jammu & Kashmir were struck. Sharing details of the operation, the government said the Air Force bypassed and jammed Pakistan's Chinese-supplied air defence systems, completing the mission in 23 minutes using Rafale jets, SCALP missiles, and HAMMER bombs. 'On May 9-10, India became the first country to strike 11 airbases of a nuclear-armed nation in a single operation, destroying 20% of Pakistan's air force assets. High casualties were inflicted and key air platforms destroyed,' said the government. Losses in the air The Pakistani side claimed to have downed six Indian jets. Clearing the air, Gen. Chauhan on May 31 dismissed the claims as baseless. He, nevertheless, confirmed that there were indeed 'losses in the air'. In his public addresses, Gen. Chauhan has described Operation Sindoor as a decisive move to draw the limits of tolerance and make it clear to Pakistan that it cannot hold India hostage to terror, and that India cannot 'live in the shadow of terror or nuclear blackmail'. Given that Pakistan mostly relied on Chinese sources, while India had a wide range of indigenously developed systems to bank on, Gen. Chauhan noted that it was a manifestation of India's push for self-reliance. He underscored the institutional reforms undertaken to ensure an integrated approach with more flexible structures, emphasising the requirement for dedicated organisations for drones, electronic warfare, and unmanned aerial platforms. In use were battle-proven Air Defence systems like the Pechora, OSA-AK and LLAD guns; Akash, a short range surface-to-air missile system; and loitering munitions (suicide drones). The Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) too contributed with at least 10 satellites working round-the-clock monitoring the entire northern region. 'Around 1 a.m. on May 10, Pakistan wanted India to get on its knees in 48 hours. However, India's defence compelled them to come to a truce,' Gen. Chauhan said at an event on 'Future Wars and Warfare' at Savitribai Phule Pune University on June 3. 'Their 48-hour plan was summed up in eight hours and followed by a phone call for a ceasefire.'